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Wednesday, May 14, 2014

UN Chronicle | Protection of Migrants’ Rights and State Sovereignty

Posted September 2013

Article Vol. L No. 3 2013

September 2013
 
Migrants arriving in Spain
Paradoxical as it seems, protecting migrants’ rights may be the best way to enhance state sovereignty in a globalized world. The protection of fundamental human rights and freedoms should not depend on where one is in the world. However, it is the state’s responsibility to uphold human rights through its laws and enforcement.
Migrants are vulnerable to human rights violations because they are not citizens of receiving states and, due to their status, often live in precarious situations. Women migrants have to deal with additional challenges as they face human rights violations based on their migrant status as well as based on their sex. Whether migrants enter states “with authorization or they are undocumented, migrants will generally find their rights diminished in comparison with the citizens of their country of residence.”1 While human rights are inalienable and should not be granted on the basis of citizenship, as part of the notion of state sovereignty, states possess extensive authority to protect their borders and determine their own laws. For example, states have the power to determine the admission of non-nationals into their country, detention of migrants and removal or expulsion of non-nationals.2 However, although states have the power to manage migration flows into, through and from their territory, they are obligated by international law to do so in such a way that upholds the rights of individuals within their territory and under their jurisdiction.
There is a fear that protecting human rights and placing the individual at the forefront of migration issues undermines state sovereignty or that putting migration governance firmly within the existing international legal framework may, in some way, be detrimental to state sovereignty. It is, however, important to underline that existing international law does not impose upon states how to govern their migration flows nor does it dictate how to formulate migration policies. In fact, the existing international legal framework actually creates a sustainable basis for having long-term migration governance with respect for the individual, as well as recognizing the states’ competence to govern access and stay of non-nationals (with the notable exception of non-refoulement3cases).
It needs to be more widely understood that state sovereignty is not undermined when states develop migration management laws and practices that protect the rights of both regular and irregular migrants within their territory. In fact, the reverse is the case as illustrated in the examples below.
Migration management laws that protect the human rights of migrants can effectively work to enhance state sovereignty by protecting national security and public order. For instance, by developing laws and practices that protect the human rights of irregular migrants, such as victims of trafficking and smuggling, states can better address issues of corruption4 and transnational organized crime5 which are often associated with trafficking or smuggling in persons. These laws promote the protection of national security and public order. Furthermore, instituting anti-human trafficking legislation that requires states to protect victims of trafficking from exploitation and assist victims to rehabilitate by providing them with appropriate housing, counselling and medical, psychological and material assistance, does not challenge state sovereignty, and does not infringe upon the right of the state to protect its borders and those within them.6
Migrant workers offer another example of how upholding the rights and freedoms of both documented and undocumented migrant workers does not undermine state sovereignty but strengthens states. The Core Human Rights Conventions—including the Convention for the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and Members of their Families—recognizes that all migrant workers are entitled to legal protection within the international human rights regime. The Convention accords both documented and undocumented migrants with civil, social and labour rights.7 Regarding irregular migrants, the Convention recognizes that workers who are non-documented or in an irregular situation frequently are employed under less favourable working conditions than other workers.8
Managing the migration of workers is fundamental to ensure stability and development of the state, especially in a globalized world where labour mobility, or the movement of people across state borders for employment, is a key feature. This is because migrant workers contribute to the economic and human development of the countries in which they work and where they fill gaps in the labour market and provide essential skills. In the case of migrant care and domestic workers—where women are heavily present—their often invisible and silent work effectively contributes to containing the ‘care crisis’ faced by many developed countries. In addition, migrant workers contribute to their home countries through remittances which contribute to development and poverty reduction.9 However, the ability of migrant workers to be economically productive and contribute to the development of both their countries of origin and residence is conditioned by the extent of their integration, as well as by the living and working conditions in the country of settlement.10 By upholding the rights of migrant workers, states can manage migration in such a way that fosters a stable environment for migrants to live and work so that migration becomes leverage for the development of the state. By effectively protecting migrants (regardless of status), and enabling them to earn decent pay and enjoy decent working conditions, their productivity will contribute to the host country’s economy and to that of the country of origin where a considerable portion of the earnings are likely to be sent.
The question of protection and of guaranteeing rights of migrant workers (regular as well as irregular) is not just a migration governance question. It encompasses labour legislation, labour inspection, health and general human rights. Traditional practices of managing migration exacerbate the vulnerability of migrants. Take the selective application of labour laws in certain sectors, such as agriculture, construction, or domestic service. Migrant workers run a gauntlet in crossing borders to work in labour intensive sectors for wages well below legal or industry minimum standards often to be denied even these by unscrupulous employers who, instead, conspire to arrange their deportation when they are no longer needed. This is a problem of exploitation, and yet the victims of these scenarios, the migrants, are generally more likely to be penalized for their minor role than are employers who profit from illegal cheap or even free labour. Protecting migrants from such exploitation and abuse is not only a question of protecting the individual for the individual’s sake, or of taking the moral high ground. It is an international legal obligation. Having sectors of the labour market that deny employers’ labour rights or violate labour codes (at times even criminal codes) encourages criminal behavior by employers, undermines the rule of law and creates unfair competition for the national labour force. Developing effective laws that manage migration in such a way that upholds the rights of migrants benefits both the migrant and society as a whole. Respect for the international legal framework thus leads to enhanced respect for the individual as well as for national legislation and institutions.
The examples above illustrate that state sovereignty is not undermined when states develop migration management laws and practices that protect the rights of particular kinds of migrants, such as victims of trafficking, smuggled migrants and migrant workers. State sovereignty is also not challenged when states uphold particular human rights of all migrants within their territories. For example, international human rights instruments clearly articulate the “right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health,”11 and, in particular, require states to take steps to ensure the healthy development of the child, treat diseases, and create conditions that would assure that medical services would be provided to everyone in their territory in the event of sickness.12
To comply with international human rights law, states must provide health services to migrants as well as their own nationals. In practice, states often strain to fully realize the right to health of migrants, particularly those in irregular situations, by excluding migrants from national health systems, limiting access to emergency health care or selectively providing medical assistance to migrants.13 Many believe that requiring states to provide basic health care to non-nationals and extending health care to migrants (especially undocumented or irregular migrants) will place an extraordinary burden on limited state resources and undermines the sovereign interest of states by ‘dictating’ where to allocate state resources and requiring states to take positive action to ensure that non-nationals have access to these resources. However, the benefits of extending the right to health care to all migrants greatly outweigh the costs to states.
The World Health Organization (WHO) has found that inclusive approaches to the right to health care and addressing the health needs of migrants can “improve their health status, avoids stigma and long-term health and social costs, protects global public health, facilitates integration and contributes to social and economic development.”14 Most migrants are healthy young people who become increasingly vulnerable to ill health due to the conditions surrounding the migration process.15 Although this is particularly true for migrants who leave their country of origin involuntarily and for irregular migrants, WHO lists other risk factors that contribute to ill health including poverty, discrimination, language, cultural differences, administrative hurdles and legal status, which affect the health of all migrants.16
By ensuring migrants’ access to adequate health care, states can facilitate the integration of migrants into their state and ensure that they remain healthy contributing members of society. Inadequate access to health services can exacerbate health conditions and increase risks to public health, which generates greater health care costs for the state in the future. Proactive public health policies and legislation that provide access to already existing health care services to migrants, “particularly in terms of health promotion and disease prevention can reduce both the future demands for health care and also subsequent expenditures.”17
Protecting and respecting the rights of all individuals, including migrant women and men, most certainly does not mean infringing upon the state’s sovereign right to determine migration policies. Having a rights based approach does not only benefit the individuals concerned, but promotes respect for the rule of law for existing institutions and thus benefits both states and individuals. 


Sunday, May 11, 2014

Aguinaldo – Bonifacio, clearing some doubts

Posted by Makabayang Supremo
Rome, Italy 11/05/2014


The Supremo has been referred to in history as the Philippine's First (Revolutionary) President.  While certain historians have tried to downplay or dispute his formation and leadership of the earliest national government by and of the Filipinos, there have been clear evidence that Andres Bonifacio was Filipinos' truly first President.


After the Katipuneros launched the uprising against the Spaniards,  the hero set out to transform the secret national organization into an open and de facto revolutionary government. The founder of the Katipunan became the president and formed a cabinet composed of men he trusted, including Emilio Jacinto, Secretary of State; Teodoro Plata, War; Aguado del Rosario, Interior; Briccio Pantas, Justice; and Enrique Pacheco, as Secretary of Finance.

Surviving official letterhead communications dated 1897 point to Bonifacio's various designations that include being the "Supreme President, Government of the Revolution."Perhaps the most telling proofs come from non-partisan sources of his period.

Nineteenth century Spanish historian Jose M. del Castillo, in his 1897 work "El Katipunan" or "El Filibusterismo en Filipinas," describes the first national elections in the Philippines from which Bonifacio emerged as the President, and Plata, Jacinto, del Rosario, Pantas and Pacheco as cabinet officials. This is corroborated by the February 8, 1897 issue of the international publication "La Ilustracion Espanola y Americana" in its article about the Philippine revolution and which featured an engraved portrait of "Andres Bonifacio, Titulado 'Presidente' de la Republica Tagala," clad in a dark suit and white tie.

At any rate, that Bonifacio is the "Father of Philippine Revolution" is undisputed, and his courage legendary. During World War II, his name even was even used by American propagandists to inspire anti-Japanese resistance. His persona was even adopted as a strong theme in the Hollywood World War II movie, "Back to Bataan," which starred John Wayne and Anthony Quinn.

If there is a hero that perhaps historically deserves to be joined with Bonifacio, it is Emilio Jacinto, the "Brains of Katipunan." Jacinto was Bonifacio's confidante and author of Katipunan's moral code, the Kartilya. His principled loyalty to Bonifacio extended even after the Supremo was deposed and murdered: he continued to fight the Spanish soldiers while refusing to join Aguinaldo's forces until his death in April 1899.


For a long time, the US justified its imperialistic turn-of-the-19th-century annexation of the Southeast Asian archipelago by claiming that the Philippines was no nation and was still a Spanish colony when it was 'ceded 'via the 1898 Treaty of Paris. 

Bonifacio have been tricked by the Magdiwang chapter of Cavite's KKK into joining the Tejeros Convention where he was elected Interior Secretary and Aguinaldo, the President.The Katipunan leader was sport enough to accept his lesser position but was enraged (or deliberately made enraged?) when Caviteno Daniel Tirona humiliated him by questioning  his qualifications and even suggesting some lawyer was better fit to handle the position he won. 

A shooting incident was avoided and Bonifacio left. When he and his brother were taking breakfast while on their way back, they were captured and later executed by Aguinaldo's men on May 10, 1897 in a mountain in Maragondon, Cavite.


Just three months since the start of the Phil-Am War, Aguinaldo had another valiant revolutionary killed, Gen. Antonio Luna.

The assassination of this very effective military strategist on June 1899 appears to confirm the theory that Aguinaldo had Bonifacio eliminated for no other reason than for him and his elitist group to take over the leadership of the Katipunan. According to Juan Nakpil:
"(D)riven by his patriotic fervor, he (General Antonio Luna) did not conceal his desire to be the head of the cabinet with the portfolio of war to prevent the autonomists or pacifists from controlling the government of the republic....

"They slandered him of wishing to wrest the presidency from Emilio Aguinaldo, and for that purpose they invited him to enter the rattrap of Kabanatuan to enable the very ones whom he had disarmed for cowardice in different war actions to deal him the deathblow...
"When General A. Luna was dastardly assassinated on the stairs of the Convent of Kabanatuan and already fallen on the ground, the mother of Emilio Aguinaldo looked out the window and asked: "Ano, humihinga pa ba?" (Is he still breathing?)"


Cowardice

In contrast with Magdiwang faction followers of Bonifacio, Aguinaldo refused to fight his captors to death.

On March 23, 1901, American soldiers posing as prisoners of the traitorous Macabebe scouts were led to the whereabouts of the President then on the run. Instead of choosing heroic death over capture as a way of sustaining the morale of his soldiers still valiantly fighting the new colonizing forces, Aguinaldo became a cooperative US Prisoner of War.

Unsurprisingly, his capture led to a succession of surrender of a number of Filipino guerilla leaders. They include the man responsible for the death of US Gen. Henry Lawton, Gen. Licerio Geronimo (surrendered barely a week right after Aguinaldo's capture). 



Quick change of color

Only nine days after American colonizers got him, Aguinaldo swore allegance to US flag. His easy capitulation to the American imperialists was supposedly made under plea that his life be spared. His allegiance to Uncle Sam also caused the Anti-Imperialist League to drop him as their 'poster boy' or rallying symbol for their opposition to the annexation of the Philippines. Aguinaldo's swift betrayal of the First Philippine Republic sharply contrasted with Mabini's adamant, repeated refusal to swear allegiance to America, earning the latter the punishment of exiled in captivity in Guam. 





Friday, May 9, 2014

PRESS RELEASE | GRASSROOTS MIGRANTS AND REFUGEES TO EXPOSE MYTH OF "MIGRATION FOR DEVELOPMENT

Posted by Pahayag ng Migrante
Rome, Italy 10/05/2013

PRESS RELEASE
9 May 2014

Reference:
Grace Punongbayan, IMA Europe Secretariat
grace0506@gmail.com



Three-day assembly of grassroots migrants and refugees to expose myth of "migration for development" and to push for people's alternative to the MDG


Grassroots migrants and refugees under the militant banner of the International Migrants' Alliance (IMA) are all set to hold a three-day “speak out”, discussions and protest mobilization in Stockholm, Sweden, from May 13-15, to once again echo their opposition to the modern-day slavery of migrants and the oppression of refugees, and expose the myth of “migration for development”.


The migrants and refugees will also expose the neoliberal globalization agenda on migration of the European Union, and they will push for an alternative people's agenda that are human rights based, equitable and sustainable, to the UN Milllenium Development Goals (MDG).


The highlights of this three-day assembly include: the holding of the second general assembly of the IMA Europe section, wherein the discussions will focus on the current political situation in Europe impacting on migrants and refugees and planning on Europewide campaigns; a discussion on the MDG and the people's agenda; and a “speak out” for development justice and protest mobilization against the Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD), which is holding its 7th session in Stockholm May 14-16.


International League of Peoples Struggle (ILPS) chair Prof. Jose Ma. Sison, will deliver the keynote address. He is expected to talk about the failure of the GFMD and the myth of “migration for development”. Caravan-Germany, a militant movement for solidarity fighting for the rights of refugees and migrants will share the verdict of the international tribunal on refugees against the German state. IBON International will lead the discussions on the MDG and the People's Agenda. Erik Anderssen, a progressive member of the local parliament in Gislaved, Sweden, will tackle the current economic crisis in the EU and the people's resistance.


Participants together with Swedish solidarity groups will hold a picket, “speak out” and cultural manifestation near the venue of the GFMD session on May


The co-organizers of this event are: International Migrants Alliance (IMA), IMA – Europe Section, Migrante Europe, Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants, and MIGRANTE International.###









Tuesday, May 6, 2014

Rome migrant workers salute Francis Kwame, refugee rights fighter

Posted by Pahayag ng Migrante
Rome, Italy 06/05/2014


Francis Kwarme (photo: Die Bild)

Ugnayan ng Manggagawang Migrante Tungo sa Pag-unlad (Umangat-Migrante) salute Francis Kwame, unbending fighter for the rights of refugees. He passed away in Hamburg on 20 March 2014.


Francis Kwame lived peacefully in Libya for 20 years, and worked for a German firm, Bifinger, for the last ten years. The NATO war of aggression against Libya forced him and other workers out of Libya. 

Braving the waters of the Miditerranean, he landed in Lampedusa in Italy. He could not get any protection from Italy, he was sent to Northern Europe. So, he finally ended up in Hamburg, where for the last three years he has joined the collective struggle to acquire asylum, work and a dignified life in Germany. These, however, have been denied him by the German authorities.


 The militant struggle that he and his fellow refugees in "Lampedusa in Hamburg" launched, strongly supported by solidarity organizations, blazes the path towards justice and freedom. It gives inspiration and strength to all others who fight and strive for national and social liberation.

Documents of Francis Kwarme issued in Italy
 Umangat-Migrante also convey their condolence and solidarity to refugee group “Lampedusa in Hamburg” and join them in their struggles for Migrant workers and refugee rights



WORK PERMIT FOR ALL REFUGEES IN EUROPE!

RESPECT THE RIGHTS OF REFUGEES!!!
.





Sunday, April 27, 2014

OFWs in Rome protested against Obama visit in the Philippines

Posted by Pahayag ng Migrante
Rome, Italy 28/04/2014

Lightning protest rally at Pzza. Vittorio Emmanuelle 27/04/2014 (Photo: UMANGAT-MIGRANTE)


The OFW group Ugnayan ng Manggagawqang Migrante Tungo sa Pag-inlad (UMANGAT-MIGRANTE) held a mass leaflet distribution at the portals of Vatican City in the morning followed by a successful lightning protest manifestation in the afternoon at Vittorio Emanuelle Plaza in Rome drawing attention of onlookers of many nationalities,  yesterday, 27 April 2014. Some of the onlookers from Pakistan and Nigeria also joined later and engaged in a brief  discussions on the motives of Obama’s visit and the issue of US imperialism.

The leaflet reads : We, the Filipino migrants of Italy strongly protest against the visit of US Pres. Barrack Obama to the Philippines. It is not a friendly visit. The imminent visits to Japan, South Korea, Malaysia and the Philippines are in line with the US strategic military “pivot” and the Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA). Obama’s visit brings with it the US imperialist agenda of entrenching US hegemony in Asia in light of China’s rise as a major regional power, in order to continue imposing itself as the preeminent economic and military power in the Asia-Pacific region. While we condemn China’s incursions into Philippine territory in the West Philippine Sea, we see the new PH-US military agreement as far more dangerous and violates Philippine sovereignty.
Along with the military agreement, Obama will also push forward the so-called Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA), a US dominated ‘free’ trade agreement and convince pres. Aquino to change the provisions of Philippine Constitution Charter Change of Cha Cha, that blocks the implementation of the said agreement.
The people of the world demand an end to US imperialism and its long history of wars and exploitation. We oppose US imperialism’s desperate efforts to entrench itself in the Asia-Pacific and other global regions through war and plunder. The people want to end the brutal regime of US bases, armed intervention, drone strikes, and other brazen violations of national and the people’s sovereignty. The people oppose highly damaging neoliberal economic dictates aimed at passing on the burden of the crisis of imperialism to the peoples of the world.

NO TO US BASES IN THE PHILIPPINES! NO TO CHARTER CHANGE!
CONDEMN THE US ATTEMPTS TO REOCCUPY THE PHILIPPINES!!!
US troops out of Asia and the Pacific!
Resist neo-liberal economic dictates!  Fight the TPPA!
Peoples of the world unite against imperialism and all reaction! Long live international solidarity!



The group later proceeded to their HQ nearby at Via Giolitti to assess the day’s procedures and discuss activities for the coming Labor day and the annual event Umangat Family Day to be held on June 2014.


##





VANTAGE | POINT THE SUB- “UBER” CLASS

VANTAGE POINT
THE SUB- “UBER” CLASS

By Luis V. Teodoro
Reposted by Belarmino Dabalos Saguing
Rome, Italy 28/042014 


Congress in joint session. (Photo: Bikpy)

THE  diversion of pork barrel funds, of which Janet Lim-Napoles and several members of Congress have been accused, could be implemented not only with the collaboration of congressmen and senators and other high level bureaucrat-capitalists. It also needed the sustained efforts of a class of individuals familiar with the way things are done in this country and its government. Their peculiar and criminal skills have enabled them to amass vast fortunes for themselves as well as their principals and co-conspirators.  Those skills are well-suited to, and mesh smoothly with, government practice and the dominant values of Philippine society. 

Some of these operators were or are in government themselves, usually in some middle-level post. But as has recently been demonstrated, experience in non-governmental organizations does help too.   Many others are in the coercive apparatus  of the Philippine neo-colonial state. Some are torturers and murderers themselves.  

They’re police and military generals, medium-level bureaucrats--even judges. A large segment consists of lawyers, whose skills in navigating the labyrinth called the Philippine legal system enable them to guarantee the impunity, or exemption from punishment, of their principals, no matter how corrupt, vicious, cruel or homicidal—enabling them, in many cases, to literally get away with  murder.


They’re basically technocrats in that they have neither scruples nor morality. “Good Christians” all, what solely matters to them are results in terms of how much wealth they’ve amassed for themselves and their patrons who occupy the highest levels of Philippine officialdom.  They are also the buffers between the law and the latter, thus the marked involvement of judges and lawyers. 

They have been described as constituting “a new class.”  But they are actually part of a social category that in this neo-colonial society with pretensions to democracy has been around for centuries.  In the Spanish colonial period they were the impoverished members of the principalia whose datu forebears  had subsumed their  power to that of the conquistadores.  During formal American occupation they assumed the role of serving their more successful cohorts who had risen in the colonial order as junior partners and collaborators in the running of the government. 

Excluded from direct participation in government by the handful of families the US overlords had anointed to rule, in the post “independence” period (1946 onwards) they became the  minions of the former junior partners  who had by then supposedly and finally become the real rulers of Philippine society. 

They themselves do not belong to what has been called the “uber” (from the German word for “above,” “superior” ), or ruling, class.  But  some of them do eventually ascend—or descend—to that category of creatures who, in this alleged democracy,  basically run the country, though consisting only of a handful of elite families and political clans.

Equally part of this sub-uber class are the semi-criminal elements who own fleets of luxury cars and veritable  palaces and condominiums in the toniest places in the capital-- who maintain homes in Baguio, and Tagaytay, as well as in Hongkong, New York, and London:  who spend much of their time on vacation in Europe and the Americas in-between  episodes of plundering public coffers.  In many instances, they’re also involved in smuggling, kidnapping, extortion and other crimes. But unlike your penniless neighbor who’s likely to languish in prison for snatching a cellphone, they always escape punishment and continue to live obscenely luxurious lives.  They and their political patrons are islands of wealth and self-indulgence in the ocean of poverty known as Philippine society. 

The country has seen these creatures in action in recent times, the outstanding example being the PDAF scandal, in which a clutch of NGO bureaucrats facilitated the plunder of pork barrel funds, amassing in the process billions for themselves and their collaborators in the House of Representatives and the Senate, and defending their ill-gotten gain with whatever means are necessary including violence in the form of kidnapping and illegal detention.

Indicative of how far Philippine society has deteriorated is how much, despite what they do, these denizens of the lowest (in moral terms) rungs of Philippine society still enjoy the respect and even the admiration of their associates, the middle class, and  most of their countrymen,  who salute them for their cunning (in Tagalog, “katusuhan’) as a consequence of, among other factors, widespread hopes among some of the poorest and most powerless sectors of the Philippine society for relief, no matter what the source and the cost, from their desperate straits. 

This same impulse explains why too many Filipinos receive with hoots of derision such rare instances of honesty (so rare they merit front page newspapert stories and lead treatment in the six o’clock TV news programs) as a taxi driver’s returning a briefcase of euros left by a fare in his cab rather than keeping it for himself—or why, despite paeans to the need for education and hard work, lying and cheating in furtherance of personal gain are accepted as necessary means for advancement. 

The very existence of the sub-uber class itself as a subset of the dominant few who rule Philippine society, and mass approval, not always silent, of the former’s capacity to manipulate a system tailor-made to serve limited interests are indivisible from the reality of corruption, deceit, violence and desperation that characterize Philippine society.  No matter how much that society’s supposedly positive aspects are hyped by the media and the politicians, this class is both symptom and cause of its descent into chaos.

Corruption and  violence as the primary means of extending and defending  the presumed entitlement of a few and their henchmen and women to access to public funds to the detriment of the majority are too deeply embedded not only in the political system but in the entirety of Philippine society as well. They cannot  be eradicated overnight without overhauling the system that sustains them.  

And yet eradicating corruption without structural reform is  precisely what Benigno Aquino III promised during the campaign  for the Presidency in 2010.  Both that promise, and the  Aquino claim that the public sector has  been purged of corruption, are illusions that are either cluelessly naïve or deliberately misleading, the latter in furtherance of deluding the citizenry into believing, despite the daily evidence in their own lives, that everything is as well as they should be, and requires only the will of the well-intentioned to achieve. --###


Comments, blogs and other columns: www.luisteodoro.com and www.cmfr-phil.org
Luis V. Teodoro is on Facebook and Twitter (@luisteodoro)
  




Monday, April 14, 2014

News release | Petition Signing laban sa House Bill 3576 inilunsad sa Roma, Italya

Posted by Pahayag ng Migrante
Rome, Italy 14/04/2014

News Release
Ugnayan ng Manggagawang Migrante Tungo sa Pag-unlad (UMANGAT)
Reference: Rowena Flores  +39 3291757805, Alex Reyes  +39 3890362468
                 E-mail : umangat-migrante@gmail.com

(Photo: Umangat-Migrantre)
Rome, Italy Roma Eur, Abril 13, 2014.. Sa pangunguna ng Ugnayan ng mga Manggagawang MIgrante Tungo sa Pag-unlad (UMANGAT-MIGRANTE),  Makabayang Atas ng Supremo Andress Bonifacio (MASA) at ng ibat-ibang lider komunidad at mga concerned OFWS ay nagsagawa ng Petition signing ang mga OFWS dito sa Roma para ipanawagan ang pagbasura sa panukalang batas na House Bill 3576 o “An Act Authorizing Ambassadors, Consul General, Chiefs of Missions or Charge d’ Affairs to order and direct an Overseas Filipino to send support to his or her legal dependents as required by existing laws” na isinumite sa kongreso ng kinatawan ng OFW Family Partylist si dating Ambasador Roy Seῆeres.

Matatandaan simula pa lamang sa pagpasok ng taong 2014 ay naging mainit na usapin sa mga OFWs ang nakapending na panukalang batas na House Bill 3576 at umani ito ng matinding batikos mula sa ibat-ibang organisasyon ng mga migranteng Pilipino sa ibat-ibang panig ng mundo dahil ito ay isang napakalaking insulto  sa mga OFWs at kanyang pamilya at ito rin ay pagpapanunumbalik ng “forced remittance decree”, o ng Executive Order 857  ni dating Pang. Ferdinand Marcos na malaon ng pinabasura ng mga migrante.

Sa ilalim ng HB 3576, inoobliga ang lahat ng land-based at sea-based na OFW na magpadala ng remitans sa “Philippine banking system or any authorized credit unions, money transfer operators or through the postal mail”. Kapag hindi regular na nagawa ito, sila ay papatawan ng karampatang parusa. Gayundin, ang mga pribadong recruitment agency ay awtorisadong obligahin ang mga OFW na magpadala.

Sa Seksyon 5 ng HB 3576, binibigyang-kapangyarihan din ang mga awtoridad ng mga embahada at konsulado na pigilin ang renewal ng mga pasaporte ng mga OFW kung hindi sila makakapagpadala.

Tinututulan naming mga OFW at aming mga pamilya ang HB 3576 dahil ito rin ay isa na namang mekanismo para makapanghuthot ng karagdagang kita at singilin mula sa amin. Tulad ng EO 857 kung saan obligado ang mga OFW na magpadala ng 50-70% ng kanilang buwanang sahod/sweldo, ipinagbabawal din ng HB 3576 ang “padala/pakisuyo system” at nililimitahan ang  pagpapadala ng remitans tanging sa mga “government-authorized channels”. Ang sinumang lumabag din ay paparasuhan din sa pamamagitan ng pagkumpiska sa kanilang mga pasaporte o hindi pag-renew ng kanilang mga kontrata.

Ibig sabihin, ang HB 3576 ay hindi totoong para sa kapakinabangan ng aming pamilya kundi lalo’t higit sa gobyerno, mga bangko at iba pang institusyong pinansyal. Isa na naman itong mekanismo para higit na gawing gatasang-baka kaming mga OFW.

Nanindigan kaming mga OFW at aming mga pamilya na ang HB 3576 ay isang panukalang batas na lalong magbabaon sa amin sa utang at kahirapan. Matatandaang ang dating forced remittance law ni Marcos ang siyang nag-anak sa samu’t saring mga lending institution na nagpista sa desperasyon ng mga OFW. Sagad-sa-buto ang pangungutang ng mga OFW nang ipatupad ang naturang batas. Lalo itong makakapinsala ngayong baon na nga kami sa utang bago pa man kami makalabas ng bansa dahil sa kaliwa’t kanang mga bayarin, buwis, pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin at serbisyo at kawalang-kabuhayan.

Nanindigan kaming mga OFW at aming mga pamilya na ang HB 3576 ay isang panukalang batas na lalong magbabaon sa amin sa utang at kahirapan. Matatandaang ang dating forced remittance law ni Marcos ang siyang nag-anak sa samu’t saring mga lending institution na nagpista sa desperasyon ng mga OFW. Sagad-sa-buto ang pangungutang ng mga OFW nang ipatupad ang naturang batas. Lalo itong makakapinsala ngayong baon na nga kami sa utang bago pa man kami makalabas ng bansa dahil sa kaliwa’t kanang mga bayarin, buwis, pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin at serbisyo at kawalang-kabuhayan.

Dahil sa kanyang pagpasa sa HB 3576, lumilinaw ngayon ang pusisyon ni Rep. Seneres at OFW Family Partylist alinsunod sa pangkalahatang program ng rehimeng BS Aquino sa walang-ampat na pagbubuwis at panghuhuthot sa migrante at mamamayan. Para maisalba ang sarili sa krisis sa ekonomiya, umaasa ng malaki si BS Aquino sa remitans naming mga OFW para pagkunan ng karagdagang kita sa gitna ng malawakang korupsyon at kapalpakan sa gobyerno.

Ibinasura ang forced remittance law noon sa sama-samang pagkilos at pagtutol ng migrante at pamilya. Handa kaming muling gawin ito ngayon.



Ibasura ang HB 3576!

Tutulan ang sapilitang pagpapadala!

Serbisyo, hindi negosyo! Proteksyon, hindi koleksyon!

BS Aquino, hindi gatasang-baka ang mga OFW!


Photo: Umangat-Migrante




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