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Saturday, November 5, 2016

Filipino Migration into Italy

Posted by Belarnmino Dabalos Saguing
Rome, Italy 05 November 2016

(Orignally posted by Belarmino Dabalos Saguing in Center for Migrant Studies and Researches, Rome, Italy 03 Dece4mber 2014)


Picnic in the Park, Palermo, Sicily (Photo by Fr. Rey Culaba)


          Italy is host to more than 4 million migrants of diverse nationalities. They comprise about 5 percent of the country’s total population.. Fifty percent of the migrants are Europeans, 20 percent are Africans, twenty percent are from Asiatic Countries, and  ten percent from the Americas, predominantly South and Central American.

          About sixty percent of the immigrant community are living in Northern Italy, twenty seven percent are in Central Regions, and about thirteen  percent in Southern Italy.

          The main worry among the immigrants is the problem of housing, employment and their integration  to the Italian society. Many migrants has to struggle to pay rents, and for the majority, buying a house is just out of reach. On the average, the income of migrant workers in Italy is half of the income of the average Italian worker. There is no job security for the immigrant population, and many of them do not have regular work. ( Data from CARITAS Report of  2010)

         Italy has been one of the countries in Europe that experienced a sustained growth in Filipino labor migration. The works at home previously carried out by Italians, men  and women alike, are not compensated by the public service.

          It should be well noted that the political conditions and rising economic growth in Italy, the labor segmentation, the demographic collapse, among other factors, has necessitated the services of  migrant workers including domestic services has increased the demands for Filipinas.

          However, Italy is distinguished from the others since it was more through the personal initiatives of the migrants themselves rather than the planning of the Philippine government that brought most of them to this country, to flee from poverty and lack of employment that would support decent life for workers in the Philippines.

Philippine-Italy studies indicate that most Filipinos travel with tourist visas and found works here afterwards. The advent of stricter immigration policies in 1986 made this mode of entry more difficult, forcing the migrants, Filipinos included, to find other means to enter the country, legally or otherwise, despite the insertion of more formal migration channels.


The Number of Filipinos in Italy

 In 2006, the Philippine Commission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO) estimated that there are 128,080 Filipinos residing in Italy: of which 23,108 are permanent residents, 84,972 are OFWs (temporary workers whose stay in foreign countries are limited by the duration of their contracts), and the remaining 20,000 are illegally working and living in Italy        

 The CFO estimates maybe a bit conservative since they are basing their count from the annual departures from Manila airport. Since the Philippine government normally has no direct control on the contracts signed by the workers in Italy, and their estimate on undocumented migrants is based mainly on the estimates of the Philippine Embassy in Rome. It should of course be noted that other estimates indicate higher numbers of Filipinos residing in Italy with some guess indicating that there are more than 200,000 Filipinos residing in Italy.

          The CARITAS di Roma 2013 reported that there are 165, 763 Filipinospresent in Italy of which 46, 773are in   surrounding Lazio province in Rome of which majority are concentrated in the city of Rome and it indicated  indicated that about sixty-one percent of them are women.

          Incongruent may be these figures, these studies and estimates confirm the fact that within Europe, Italy is host of the largest Filipino migrants community in Europe preceded only by Spain, Greece and Austria. Italy is among the top ten destinations of Filipino migrants preceded only by Saudi Arabia, Hong Kong, Japan, Taiwan and the United Arab Emirates. The largest concentration of the Filipino migrants in Italy could be found in Rome and Milan and its surroundings.


The Feminized Migration Flow to Italy               

          The researches of the Italian Institute for Statistics (ISTATS) concerning the regular temporary workers in Italy points out that women comprise about sixty-three percent of the migrants present  in Italy. Sixty to seventy percent of the Filipinos are employed in the service sector, with Filipino women in large majority. In cities like Rome and Milan female Filipinos account up to seventy percent of all Filipinos in these cities. It cannot be considered an exaggeration to say that Filipino outward migration to Italy and elsewhere has always been dominated by women.

          The great majority of Filipino female migrants work in the domestic service according to some specific studies, points out that ninety-five percent are employed in domestic field. Nursing and employment in the entertainment sector and employment in hotels are the other fields where Filipinas are represented in minor numbers. It is noteworthy that the economic recession in the Philippines in the mid-90’s led to the presence of male migrant labor in Italy, although women are still in great majority. It is also the Filipinas who made great efforts to reunite their families in Italy more than the other nationalities when the Italian migration policies made it easier for the migrants to petition the entrance of the members of their family into Italy in the mid-90’s. Also, three profiles of the Filipinas are distinguished: married women with children, single mothers and singles women.


Education and Income Levels 

          Although it is somewhat difficult to assess the exact figures regarding the different levels of education characterizing the Filipinos in Italy, anecdotal evidence indicates that the Filipino migrants are more than fairly educated compared to other migrants present in Italy, The majority of Filipino migrants are high school graduates, and most having at least some university education. Philippine sources have the same conclusion. Many of them are even university graduates and most are experienced skilled workers before leaving for overseas. It could, therefore, be concluded that it was the salary, living conditions or job opportunity factor that drove most of them to migrate.

          The Filipino migrants in Italy could now be classified as being part of the middle-class in the Philippines, despite their relatively low income in Italy. It should be important to note that the middle class in the Philippines has diminished drastically in the years of the Marcos regime. Vast numbers of the Filipino middle class has fled the country for political or economic reasons due to severe repressions during that period, and the majority of those who remained were either absorbed by the lower classes, and few, indeed very few, were graduated to the upper class.


Remittances 
         In 2004, the total remittance of Filipino migrants was 8.5 billion US Dollars. These figures does not even include remittances sent through informal channels which, should it be included, the total could reach a very much higher figure.

           Of the total USD 20.5 B sent by the OFWs scattered in the whole world in 2013, more than USD 46 M was from the OFWs in Italy, making them the fourth in the rank of remittance sender to the Philippines.

          The actual bulk of remittance sent by the OFWs into the country for that year was estimated between US$14 billion to US$21 billion (1/3 from USA, 1/3 from Middle East and 1/3 from other countries) based on the studies for the Asian Development Bank (Kevin Melynn, ADB Consultant, Worker Remittances as a Development Tool: Opportunity for the Philippines, ADB, 2003)

          The present restrictions on money transfers that is being enforced by the Italian authorities, may make it harder to estimate how much really are being sent from this country. Most of the undocumented Filipino migrants can not avail of the services of banks and money transfer firms and are forced to use informal venues to send their money to their families, and this, of course can not be included in the estimates on the total remittances.

François Bourguignon, World Bank Chief Economist, wrote: We have now a research program on migration issues surrounding remittances, high-skilled migration, temporary movement of persons, social protection and governance of migration, and the link between trade, foreign direct investment, and migration.” – Global Development Finance 2003 Annual Report. (Global Economic Prospects 2006: Economic Implications of Remittances and Migration.)

    In the midst of a crisis, they use this tool as a crushing vise in exploiting the country. The Philippines, like all the labor exporting countries, are dependent on the remittances being sent home by the migrants. In fact, about 10% of the nation’s Gross Domestic Product income are the remittances of the OFWs.



3. The impact of the Global Financial Crisis

THE PRESENT SITUATION IS THE CULMINATION OF DECADES OF NEOLIBERALISM, CORPORATE GLO-BALIZATION AND FINANCIALIZATION BETWEEN 1995 AND 2007 THAT REDUCED THE SHARE OF INCOME GOING TO WORKERS’ WAGES BUT INCREASED THE SHARE GOING TO THE FEW RICH CAPITALISTS AND CORPORATES IN THREE QUARTERS OF THE WORLD’S NATIONS.”     
 -  Prof William K. Tabb

            The words of this American Economist echoes the sentiments of world’s workers including the migrant workers who are shouldering the heavy burden of sufferings caused by globalization, and now, the same workers again has to be sacrificed by the people who created the sufferings by saving themselves and leaving them in a mire of hardships they have to endure.

            The problem has hit most the lower income bracket workers which includes the migrants. Thousands has been the victims of retrenchments or cutting shorts of working time and lowering of salaries. The migrants most affected in Italy are those working in factories, constructions, and hotel/restaurant and supermarket services, where hundreds were laid off or whose working times are abbreviated. But worst is the flight of those who do not have regular contracts since they cannot avail on unemployment compensations and has to tighten their belts. There are still no official record of Filipino migrants in Italy directly affected by the global crisis, but sixty to seventy percent of Filipino migrants in Italy are in the service sector most domestic workers.

            This phenomenon is universal. Like this crisis, it is global. It affects both rich and poor country, although the third world countries are hit harder because they are dependents of the neocolonist countries, they  do not have the means to remedy the situation.  
      
            Like the others, Filipino migrants has suffered the same fate. I do have the data on migrants of other nationalities, but the table shows how the loss of jobs, and also the stoppage of jobs long awaited by other workers that is by now held in abeyance by the employers in the countries of destination caused by the global crisis, is real and steps has to be done specially by the countries that are dependent on the remittances being sent home by us migrants. The Philippines is the world’s third largest recipient of remittances after India and Mexico, The remittances of Filipino migrants represent 10.5 percent of the country’s GDP, and about 20 percent of the country’s total earnings. The diminished numbers of remittance senders could also affect the national economy.

            In terms of human sufferings, almost all of the migrants, with a few exceptions are from the poorest sectors of the society of the country where they are from. The loss of jobs would mean hunger for many families. And since the majority are not covered by unemployment insurance, it would mean more than just being hungry. It would mean the education, housing and many others.


 Italy: the frontline of Fortress Europe   

Italy has seen a sustained inward migration in the past 20 years, given its geographical position in the center of the Mediterranean, with more 8,000 km. of coastline, the country is considered as the most accessable to Europe by the migrants of many countries of origin.

        The economic gaps between various regions of Italy also governs the way in which migrants has entered the labor market. In the north, more markedly in the industrialized northeastern regions with a low unemployment rates, immigrants are mainly employed in industrial activities and are occupied in more or less regular positions. In the central regions, notably in the city of Rome and its surrounding provincial regions populated by well to dos, the migrants are employed in the service sectors, mostly as domestic helpers, nannies and caregivers especially the female migrants, In the South, the majority of migrant workers are employed in seasonal jobs and in the clandestine underground economy particularly in agriculture and construction sectors.

          Aside from legal immigrants with regular documents and resident permits, there is a great number of illegal migrants present in Italy. There are no precise count available for the clandestines. The only estimate availble is from the Caritas, a Catholic Church agency which gives assistance to the poor including the clandestine migrants.

         Because of negative propagandas by some political parties particularly the extrem right Lega Nord and Forza Italia, criminality was tied with clandestine migrants, breeding hatred and distrust among the people. As a result, incidents of migrants being mauled by some extremist gangs, leading in some cases, to death of the victims has occurred. Due to discriminations, migrants find it very hard to find work and  accomodations.  They are also deprived of social rughts and services.


Immigration Laws
          The earliest attempt at regularizing and integration of  migrants was conceived  in latter parts of 1988 and finally was approved by the Italian Parliament in the beginning of 1990 as Law 39/90 otherwise known as the Martelli Law. This law aims to make plans on migratory inflow to the country with the collaboration of the immigrant’s country of origin. This law was later further amended by the Amato-Ferrero Law.

          In 1998, the center-left coalition government passed the Law 40/98 also called the Turco-Napolitano Law which was an attempt to regularize the position of non EU immigrants and improve their integration into Italian society. This law imposed an intricate procedures for the deportation of illegal immigrants, who, once accosted by the authority and tried by a magistrate and could be deported in the event that he is judged by the court as illegal immigrant. The immigrant is given 2 weeks to appeal his case. In most cases, this period is utilized by the migrants to go underground.

The Bossi-Fini Law
         The xenophobic leader of Lega Nord Umberto, Bossi and the extreme right Forza Italia of Silvio Berlusconi criticized the Law 40/98 as too soft. The Center-Left coalition used, what in their opinion, the shortcomings of the law, and the black propaganda against illegal immigration, as campaign issue and won the May 2001 general election. From the onset of their coming to power, the Center-Right government has made the immigration issue a priority and after a bitter debate in the Parliament, passed the Law 189/2002 that regulates immigration in a more strict term and issued a decree to regularize immigrants already present in the country.

           This law 189/02 also known as Bossi-Fini Law named after the politicians who proposed it, took effect on July, 2002, amended the 1998 Imigration Law and introduced new stringent clauses. The most significant aspects of the law are the following:

·         Before November 30 of each year, the Prime Minister will lay down the number of non-EU workers to be admitted into Italy for the following year (the so called Flussi Decree).

·         There shall be no limitations for the entry in Italy for highly skilled workers (university lecturers and professors, professional nurses, etc.).

·         Other workers of non-EU origin will be allowed to enter Italy only after obtaining a “residence contratct”, signed both by the employer and the worker (contratto di soggiorno).1

·         An immigration office will be set up in every province of Italy to oversee the rectruitment all migrant workers.2

·         Residence permits for reason of employment with a maximum validity period of  2 years shall be issued to migrant workers.

·         Clandestines and  irregular workers shall be accompanied by the authorities to the border and deported. Deportations are immediate and cannot be suspended even through an appeal through the courts.

·         After 6 years of regular residence in Italy, non-EU citizens with stable jobs and the necessaty economic requisites to support themselve and their family may apply for a permanent residence permit.

·         Minors of non-EU origin in Italy shall be issued a residence permit when they reach adult age (18 years), provided that they have already lived in Italy for at least 3 years, and have attended a social and civil integration programme provided by a public or a private organization. This organization must guarantee that they have adequate accommodations, study school or go to work. The  number of resident permits issued on this condition shall be deducted from the pre-defined number of total annual permits.

Regularization
          A decree on regularization was issued on 6 September, 2002 provides the regularization of of two types of irregular immigrant worker: The undocumented or clandestine migrants who had  not been regularized since ttheir entry into the trretory and the irregular immigrants with expired residence permits. The categories  include Domestic workers and home helpers, ie:caregivers and nannies; and other dependent workers engaged in other suburdinate employment.

         The requirements fot the regularizations are as follows:

The worker must have been employed by a company or individual employer for at least 3 months.

The empl;oyer must agree to engage the worker on an open-ended or on a fixed term contract the worker must receive a minimum monthly salary of € 700

within 10 days from the submission of the application for the regularization, both the worker and employer shall be convoked by the prefecture or the police to formalize the working contract.

   and to other EU Member States. For instance, there is anecdotal evidence indicating that a number of Filipino domestic helpers brought along by their Arab employers for a vacation in Europe succumb to the temptation of abandoning their employment in favour of irregular stay in Italy or Europe with the help of other Filipinos.

The CFO does not have any available information on human trafficking or smuggling activity involving Italy. Meanwhile, there are some reported cases of Filipinos being recruited for fictitious work in EU countries including Italy, with the aid of illegal recruiters – Filipino and Chinese – using fake passports and visas.

A 2006 advisory from the POEA reported that some Filipinos in Hong Kong were lured into paying HKD 25,000 to HKD 40,000 (or USD 3,214.83 to USD 5,143.73) for their plane tickets and for processing tourist visas for Italy (POEA, 2006a).

Migrant workers who are in Italy without the proper work documentation are ineligible for basic social services and often find themselves in vulnerable and exploitative work conditions. They cannot access formal financial, banking or remittance services because of the inability to present formal work documents, or for fear of disclosing their undocumented status. This sector has no choice but to send money home through informal channels and, as the survey showed, keep their earnings at their residences or carry money personally wherever they go. It is expected that these irregular workers will persevere in such status in the hope of obtaining amnesty in the future.

A significant number of undocumented Filipinos in Italy have availed of the amnesty and regularization program offered by the Italian Government. The last amnesty was in 2002,when 646,829 foreigners were granted permits – including 9,820 Filipinos. Among regularized migrants who are in domestic work, Filipinos (89% of regularized undocumented domestic workers) are the biggest ethnic group (Carfagna et al., 2008). From June to September 2009, the Italian government accepted amnesty applications from irregular foreign workers (Buenafe, 2009).

Integration and occupational mobility of Filipinos. There are programs and procedures available to foreigners who wish to upgrade their credentials to qualify themselves for higher occupations. Among these are advanced professional training programs administered by the regions.7 Legal recognition of academic qualifications through an application with the appropriate university or educational institutions, which must issue decisions within prescribed periods, or recognition of professional titles such as nurses, doctors, teachers, lawyers, accountants, biologists, consultants, and various other expertise may be obtained through applications filed with the different ministries. The basic requirements are a high level of knowledge of the Italian language, and a valid permit to stay, aside from educational credentials and other requirements. Scholarships and grants are also available to those wishing to pursue higher studies.8 Some of the key informants suggested that Filipinos are not benefiting from such programmes, as a good number of Filipinos are juggling multiple jobs to augment their incomes to support the family’s immediate needs or pay for various financial obligations, leaving no time for upgrading their skills.

Filipino migrants often do not have time for self-improvement because of their multiple work engagements. In the words of Cristina Liamzon, a Filipino advocate for socio-economic empowerment, Filipino migrant workers “lack the confidence or mindset for self-improvement, in availing of language and training programmes, or even educational grants, particularly those offered by city or provincial authorities.” 9 This stresses the need for more initiatives in capability building and raising awareness of opportunities for the Filipino community. As many of these workers are focused on increasing their incomes through hired work, and few are self-employed, the Filipinos as a group miss out on the numerous entrepreneurship programmes promoted by the Italian government. 

Whether due to the pressure to provide for the family’s needs or to cultural inhibition, a good number of Filipino workers prefer earning a stable income by taking more than one domestic or caregiving job. Doing so enables them to send more remittances and/or increase their savings. This is preferable to upgrading their skills or handling a business that does not offer prospects of financial gains in the short term. As the survey for this research reveals, many depend on a stable high income to pay for investments, house amortizations, insurance premiums and loans in the Philippines.

Those who advocate that in the long term, it would be beneficial for migrant workers to take advantage of such training courses (which reportedly are in abundance) may perhaps highlight stories of migrants who successfully made the leap from domestic to professional or self-employed status.It is also possible that there could be cultural barriers involved, since such training courses are reportedly provided by Italian agencies in Italian language. It may therefore be worth studying by the Philippine NGOs in Italy that they initiate the conduct of such training courses in the embassy or Filipino church grounds. A vehicle to do this might be the Filipino Workers Resource Center (FWRC), whose successful FWRC skills training in Kuala Lumpur can be replicated in Rome and/or Milan, where there are none at present.

Filipino youths in Italy. The family reunification policies of Italy have provided for Italy-based Filipinos a remedial solution of sorts to address issues relating to the prolonged absence of their loved ones, as well as expanding their household’s income base. The outcome of the family reunification, however, appeared to be a little rather more complex. For one, there are concerns that Filipino youths in Italy face immense challenges, including cultural adjustment and acculturation. Some are seen engaged in socially destructive behaviour such as juvenile delinquency and drug abuse, particularly among Filipino youths whose move to Italy was decided by their parents. Given this opportunity to join their parents, there are also documented cases of children not finishing their schooling in the Philippines to join their parents in Italy and become domestic workers (Añonuevo & and Añonuevo, 2002).        The Italy–Philippines Migration and Remittance Corridor
The Italy–Philippines Migration and Remittance Corridor
In another survey of 99 Filipino youths and 101 parents and NGO workers in Rome (Liamzon, 2007), it was found that:

Ø  Filipino youths in school face serious social and academic problems, given their lack of Italian language skills that hinders them from making friends; and
Ø  Filipino parents admit to difficulty in dealing with the struggles their children face in integrating into Italian society, especially in circumstances where many parents have the desire to work extra hours to augment the family income.  Children (especially those aged below 18 years old) complain of lack of family time, and of the decision of their parents to have them come to Italy.

While documentation on the Filipino minor population is not available, the issues that face the youth are worthy of consideration, as many of them appear to have been forced to move to Italy in order to contribute to the family income. Their inclusion in programs on the productive use of remittances might be considered as early as possible, although psychosocial counselling appears also to be a paramount need. In the long term, the real cause for concern regarding migrant Filipino minors is the emergence of a generation of OFs in Italy that pose new challenges to:

o   both the sending and receiving governments in terms of the demand for the smooth integration of the young migrants transplanted in a new country;
o   OFs who have to cope with their socially and culturally challenged youth; • the Philippine government that must prepare for the future reintegration of Italy-based
Ø  Filipinos that may want to return to the Philippines upon retirement or old age.
Ø  The global economic crisis and Filipinos in Italy. Many expected the global economic crisis that began in 2008 to affect migrants in various ways. The impacts, as mentioned by IOM (2009), include:

•        restrictions on new admissions of migrant workers and non-renewal of work permits; 
•       job losses, wage reductions, ineligibility of newly arrived migrants for social benefits;
•       racism and xenophobia; 
•       return migration of displaced migrant workers;
•       diminished remittance volumes for countries; 
•       Increased irregular migration; and 
•       specific gender issues, e.g. which gender was more affected by job attrition.
  
The admission of new migrant workers was heavily restricted in Italy. For the first time, in 2009, no quotas were provided for new workers except for 80,000 slots for non-EU seasonal workers. A report by the OECD (2009) states that Italy may see its employers abandoning applications for immigrant  workers. Last year, about 10,000 employers withdrew requests for immigrant workers. However, it seems that demand for domestic workers remains significant in Italy and elsewhere despite the downturn. Most (at least two thirds) of the 2008 quota for foreign workers – and the entire quota for entries in 2009 – are reserved for domestic and personal care workers (OECD, 2009). Although the trends do not portend a doom scenario for Filipino workers in Italy (including domestic workers), the Filipinos’ economic survival and better management of resources remain urgent needs. 

###

Saturday, September 17, 2016

AN INVITATION TO JOIN THE POPULAR MOVE TO SUPPORT THE ON-GOING PEACE NEGOTIATION BETWEEN GRP AND THE NDFP

AN INVITATION TO JOIN THE POPULAR MOVE TO SUPPORT THE ON-GOING PEACE NEGOTIATION BETWEEN GRP AND THE NDFP

Posted by Belarmino Dabalos Saguing
Rome, Italy 17 September 2016 




We are addressing this invitation to all our compatriots OFWs and all Filipinos living and working in foreign countries and to the people of our host countries, that they may understand how important to our common benefits the success of the peace negotiations.
First and foremost, we would want to let it be known why there are armed strifes in the Philippines, its root causes, how it affects every one of us and its impact to the world’s community of nations.
Thirty-three years ago the late Jose W. Diokno*, eminent senator, human rights defender and quintessential nationalist, identified four “basic problems” of Philippine society, thus:
1. Widespread deep poverty among our people and inequality in wealth, privilege, and power;
2.  Although supposedly independent, we are not really sovereign. With their military bases, the US government and military were allowed to participate in “internal security activities” and to intervene in our internal affairs.  The World Bank-IMF tandem — not the people’s elected representatives — made economic policy, to the detriment of the Filipino people.
3. “We (were) a state, but not yet a nation,” because divisions persisted among language or ethnic groups; and
4. Lack of real freedom, especially for the poor. The formal freedoms “written on the books,” which had been set aside under martial law, weren’t yet restored.
And what caused these basic problems? Not martial law, Diokno emphasized.* “The cause… has always been imperialism – first Spanish imperialism (colonialism), and then, US imperialism.”
 “Martial law was simply the product of imperialism,” he explained. On his own Marcos could not have declared martial law, he said, “unless he had had — and he did have — the support of the US government.”
Thus, Diokno concluded: “The ultimate fight is to regain our sovereignty.”  To solve these basic problems, he urged the Filipino people to organize and mobilize themselves on the basis of common interests and common aspirations. “That is the only practical remedy,” he stressed, assuring that once that is done “we can break US domination.”
That proposal was contained in the NDFP comprehensive peace agenda given to the government panel in December 1986. (By that time Diokno was too ill to carry on with his tasks; Ramon V. Mitra thus took over as government chief negotiator, succeeded by Teofisto Guingona Jr.)  After negotiations were cut short by the Mendiola massacre of peasants rallying for agrarian reform in January 1987, the NDFP raised the proposal three more times in a bid to restart the negotiations with the Cory government.
That proposal was contained in the NDFP comprehensive peace agenda given to the government panel in December 1986. (By that time Diokno was too ill to carry on with his tasks; Ramon V. Mitra thus took over as government chief negotiator, succeeded by Teofisto Guingona Jr.)  After negotiations were cut short by the Mendiola massacre of peasants rallying for agrarian reform in January 1987, the NDFP raised the proposal three more times in a bid to restart the negotiations with the Cory government.
We commend the Negotiating Panels of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) for holding a successful round of formal peace talks in Oslo, Norway last 22 to 26 August 2016, after an impasse since 2011. We also express our appreciation to the Royal Norwegian Government for so ably and graciously serving as Third-party Facilitator.  If the resulting six agreements are an indication of more successful rounds of principled negotiations in the coming months to address the roots of the armed conflict in our country, the promise of a just and lasting peace may be achievable in our lifetime  **

Peace is more than just the absence of armed strife. It also mean the freedom to pursue progressive steps to improve the well being of the nation. Peace in our country will bring progress as it removes the stumbling blocks that hinders the implementation of measures that will be concentrated on the well-being of the people that heretofore was being funneled to destruction of livelihood detrimental to the welfare and security of the citizens. 

** http://nccphilippines.org/2016/09/celebrating-peace-constituency-deepening-advocacy-grp-ndpf-peace-talks/ 
###

Monday, June 20, 2016

Rome Filipino migrants vs. Land grabbing in Brgy. Malinis, Lemery Batangas

Posted by Belarmino Dablos Saguing
Rome, Italy 20.o6.2016

Press release

A protest rally was staged by Malinisan Filipino Community of Rome against the alleged illegal landgrabbing in their hometown Bgy. Malinis, Lemery, Batangas.

About 100 persons mostly, are relatives of families affected by the alleged landgrabbing, participated in the said initiative. They read an statement expressing their ire against Philippine Investment Development Corporation which has began to erect fences keeping out the peasants from the land they have been tilling for many decades with the complicity of local Police without court order or proofs that they indeed own the land they are claiming as their property. In accordance with the PD 27 of the Comprrehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP), the disputed land must be distributed to the tenants that tilled the land to implement the payment of the necessary Amortization.
  
The Malinisan Filipino Community of Rome is calling for solidarity from Filipino organizations.


The manifesto of Malinis Filipino  Community of Rome read during the mobilization :

PANGANGAMKAM NG LUPA SA BARANGAY MALINIS, LEMERY, BATANGASV ITIGIL NA!
Mariing kinokondena ng Samahan ng Brgy.  Malinisan Filipino commuinty Rome, Italy ang ginawang iligal na pagbabakod ng Phil. Regional Investment Development Corp. at grupo nina Renwick Razon sa lupain na nasasakupan ng aming Barangay.
Walang moral at legal na batayan ang kanilang ginawang pagbabakod  dahil wala silang pinakitang anumang katibayan na kanila ang nasabing lupain at court order para gawin ang nasabing pagbabakod.
Batay sa batas ang nasabing lupain ay saklaw ng  PD 27 ng Comprehensive Agrarian Reporm Program o Carp na nagsasaad na ang nasabing lupa ay nararapat ipamahagi sa mga magsasaka na naglinang nito at natugunan ang pagbabayad ng kaukulang Amortization.
Malinaw na isa itong tipo ng pangangamkam sa aming lupain na minana at matagal ng sinasaka ng aming mga ninuno.
Hindi kami papayag na yurakan at alisan kami ng karapatan sa nasabing Lupain para lamang sa interes ng ilang ganid na negosyante na tanging hinahangad lamang ang kanilang pansariling interes.
Mahigpit naming pinapaabot sa aming mga kabarangay ang aming mahigpit na pagsuporta sa kanila sa kanilang pakikipaglaban para hadlangan ang ginagawang pangangamkam na ito sa aming lupain.
Gayundin nanawagan kami ng suporta sa iba pang karatig barangay sa Bayan ng Lemery at iba pang mga kapwa OFWs dito sa Italya at iba pang kapwa taga Brgy. Malinis na nagtratrabaho sa ibang bansa, upang magsama-sama tayo na manawagan sa pagpapatigil ng iligal na pangangamkam na ito sa ating Lupain.
Iligal na Bakod sa aming Barangay Tanggalin na!
Phil. Regional Investment Development Corp. Ganid!
Tutulan Labanan iligal na pangangamkam sa ng Lupa sa Barangay Malinis!
Mamamayan ng Barangay Malinis Magkaisa, Karapatan sa Lupa Ipaglaban!

Nagkakaisang komunidad ng Malinisan sa Roma, Italya.

 
A photoshot of the manifestion at Piazza Capena, Rome on June 19 , 2016 (photo credit: Alex Reyes)



UMANGAT-MIGRANTE with ICHRP Rome and MPL’s Tanggol Migrante answered the call for solidarity from Malinisan Filipino Community of Rome. The Migrant organizations/groups closely supported the protest where they explained the need to include their protest and issue in the Migrants Summit to help them widen their fight 

Together, let us join our brothers and sisters of Malinisan Filipino Community of Rome in their just protest and help them stop the landgrabbing of greedy coirporation in their land.

Philippine Regional Investment Development Corporation, GREEDY!
CONDEMN AND FIGHT LANDGRABBING IN BARANGAY MALINIS!
NO TO LAND GRABBING!
FIGHT FOR GENUINE LAND REFORM!


Contact info
Belarmino D. Saguing
Email - bdsaguing@gmail.com
Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/bdsaguing
Twitter - @bdsaguing
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Friday, March 25, 2016

Poem - Kaibigan (Harapin natin ang mga alon sa ating buhay)

Posted by Belarmino Dabalos Saguing                                                                                               Rome, Italy 25 March 2016


Kaibigan
 (Harapin natin ang mga alon sa ating buhay)
Ni: Demetrio-Bong Ragudo Rafanan 16 Marzo 2016 Roma , Italya


Photo furnished by Demetrio Ragudo Rafanan


 I

 Kaibigan, tingnan mo ang kalangitan,
nangingingitim ang mga ulap,
nagbabadya nang pag-ulan.
Lumalakas ang ihip nang hangin
at ang mga alon ay lumalaki na rin.
 Humanda tayo at ating haharapin.



II


 Paghampas ng alon sa ating mga katawan,
kung sakaling ikaw ay matumba at lakas ay mawalan.
 Kamay mo ay aking aabutin, ang hilain ka at itayo ay pipilitin.
 Sa abot nang mamakakaya ikaw ay aking sasagipin.




Tutulungan kita sa pagbangon.
 Kapag ikaw ay naitumba ng malaking alon.
 Kaibigan, sa atin ay ito ang hamon; “
 mananatiling magkasama
na may pagpapahalaga sa isa't isa
.Samahan natin ay lalo pang lalakas
sa bawat paghampas ng alon.”



III


Kung ako naman ang magsimulang manghina
at sa paglangoy hindi na rin makakaya,
asahan kong sa aking tabi ikaw ay makikita.
Hihigpitan ang hawak sa aking kamay at hindi magpapabaya.
Sa harap ng mga alon nang buhay ikaw ay makakasama.


Titigil din itong malakas na bagyo at pag-ulan.
Tatahimik rin ang ingay nitong malawak na karagatan.
 Ihip ng hangin ay magiging malamyos
na sa ating puso ay malamig na hahaplos.
Tunog ng mga alon ay magiging parang musika
 na walang kasing ganda at sa atin ay magpapasaya.




 ###

Friday, February 12, 2016

About Migrante Partylist

 Posted  by Belarmino Dabalos Saguing                                                                                                                                Rome, Italy   12 February 2016
       
MIGRANTE Partylist is a sectoral party of overseas Filipinos, transcending professions, sectors, cultures and across countries around the world. We take heed to trace our roots and affirm our task in rebuilding the Motherland towards the pursuit of a government of integrity, justice and genuine service, and a new brand of politics that will realize a new brand of Philippine politics and usher in a society that never has to be torn apart just for the need to survive.

Together with its founding organization, Migrante International, and all its member organizations, chapters and networks in more than 23 countries around the world, Migrante Partylist has continued the decades-long track record of service to Filipino migrants and their families since its founding in 2004.
Migrante Partylist is committed to advance the rights and welfare of migrant Filipinos and their families as well as to work for a just and prosperous society that will eliminate the roots of forced migration and scrap the labor export policy.
Our vision is to build a society where families will not be torn apart by their urgent need for survival – a society where our citizens can live a decent and humane life. Our mission is to encourage the participation of overseas Filipinos in the active struggle to effectively and continuously uphold and defend the rights and welfare of the sector WE represent.
Our General Program of Action
Serbisyo, hindi negosyo! Proteksyon, hindi koleksyon!
It is the basic right of Filipino migrants and their families to be given sufficient services and protection, especially those in distress.
M akabayang pamamahala at mabilis na serbisyo!
I llegal recruitment at trafficking, wakasan!
G aling at husay ng migrante para sa bayan!
R espeto sa mga karapatan!
A busadong opisyal, tatanggalin!
N o kotong policy!
T apat na representante ng migrante sa Kongreso!
E nd labor export, trabaho sa Pinas, hindi sa labas!

Migrante Partylist is committed to advance the rights and welfare of migrant Filipinos and their families as well as to work for a just and prosperous society that will eliminate the roots of forced migration and scrap labor export policy.
There are currently 15 million overseas Filipinos and an estimated 6,000 leaving the country daily to work abroad. Filipino people are being forced to migrate and be uprooted from their families because of desperation. The economy’s lack of development resulting in job loss at home is the primary push factor. It is a sad consequence when our labor force is uprooted from their families, forced to endure unfair labor policies and abuses, and in some cases, suffer death, in exchange for cheap labor because of government failure to address poverty and joblessness.
OFW remittances have kept the economy afloat amid fiscal deficit and the global economic crisis. Remittances reached $26 billion in 2014, amounting to nine percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). But while the national economy benefits from OFW remittances in that they contribute greatly to compensate and finance fiscal deficits and debt, the surge in OFW remittances has unfortunately made it convenient for the government to skirt around the rightful demands to curb poverty and create decent jobs at home.
As it gears to participate in the 2016 elections, Migrante Partylist stands on the principle that to genuinely address the problem of forced migration, the government should decisively deviate from past administrations’ labor export policy and focus instead on developing the national economy through genuine national industrialization and genuine land reform programs.
Migrante Partylist’s electoral agenda:
  1. Sustainable job generation and reintegration program.
  • Increase local job generation by advancing local industries, agriculture and basic services;
  • Enact measures that will increase wages and salaries for local and Filipino workers abroad to cope with the rising cost of living;
  • Create support mechanisms that will gradually decrease the export of manpower and establish a comprehensive reintegration programs for returned workers.
  1. End plunder and all forms of graft and corruption, especially the abuse and misuse of funds intended for OFWs.
  • Investigate funds allotted to the P2-billion reintegration package inaugurated by the present administration;
  • Full audit of Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA) funds. Investigate OWWA Funds sourced from the US$25 contributions and interest income of investments; the anomalous investment of the Smokey Mountain Participation Project Certificate (SMPP); unremitted OWWA collections and un-liquidated cash advances; and, loans extended to government and recruitment agencies, among others.
  1. Provide basic social services for migrant workers and their families.
  • Legislate P1 billion annual Legal Assistance Fund (LAF);
  • Increase funds for repatriation of migrant workers and OFWs in distress through the General Appropriations Act as mandated by Republic Act 8042 or the Magna Carta for Overseas Filipinos and Migrant Workers Act of 1995, amended by RA 10022; and provide immediate provision of legal services upon arrest;
  • Expand the coverage of services particularly the Emergency Repatriation Fund (ERF);
  • Prioritize the enactment of an increased budget for social services particularly in education, health and housing;
  • Enact changes in the educational system, particularly the scrapping ofthe K+12 and other policies aimed at reinforcing cheap semi-skilled youth labor for the global market;
  • Create mechanisms for the speedy facilitation of the Emergency Repatriation Fund to OFWs in distress;
  • Establish Philippine posts and labor and welfare posts in countries where there are none, additional posts in countries with large concentration of OFWs, and the re-institute posts that were closed down due to the present administration’s austerity measures;
  • Increase funds for on-site services, OFW shelters here and abroad, and expand services and benefits to all migrant workers and OFWs in distress, regardless of status;
  • Increase funds for on-site services and establish mechanisms for a more effective, efficient and swift on site protection for migrant workers abroad;
  • Institutionalize the granting of financial relief assistance to OFWs repatriated due to war, crisis and calamities here and abroad and to OFWs in distress and their families;
  • Increase the number of shelters in embassies with complete psycho-social services; and,
  • Enact measures that will ensure that embassy officials and other concerned migrant organizations be allowed to pay regular visits to our kababayans in detention for close monitoring of their cases.
  1. Scrap all state exactions and exorbitant fees.
  • Scrap all excessive government fees, taxes and charges such as plans to tax balikbayan boxes, the P550 terminal fee, the documentary stamp tax, mandatory US$25 OWWA contribution, mandatory Pag-Ibig contribution, Philhealth premium rate hike, documentary stamp tax on remittances, mandatory Consular Sponsorship fees like the affidavit of support (AOS) requirement, consular fee hikes such as the e-Passport fee increases, Comelec certification fee, among others.
  1. Enact a genuine and pro-migrant OWWA charter that will provide and expand benefits and
  • Services for migrant workers and families. Ensure the adequate and not a token representation of the OFWs;
  • Scrap the current OWWA Omnibus Policies and, in its place, create policies that will genuinely benefit its members such as lifetime membership for members;
  • Ensure transparency in the use of OWWA Funds; and,
  • Assert equal opportunities and benefits for returned migrants under the OWWA, regardless of status.
  1. Protect all OFWs, especially women migrants and minors.
  • Enact more accessible and fund-assured protective mechanisms for women and minors to include interventions, legal representation and litigation costs; and establish additional safe shelters for women and minors with in-house social workers, doctors, psychiatrists as support services to victims of rape and sexual abuse and maltreatment;
  • Provide gender-sensitive trainings to all embassy officials; and,
  • Protect the rights and welfare and uphold the dignity of the kasambahays, here and abroad, as stipulated in the International Labor Organization’s (ILO) Domestic Workers Convention (C189).
  1. Protect the rights and welfare of seafarers.
  • Establish on-site programs in concerned Philippine Embassies and Consulates;
  • Conduct dialogues concerning mechanisms to ensure protection of seafarers with concerned governments and the International Transport Federation (ITF) where major destination seaports are located (Singapore, Rotterdam in The Netherlands, Hamburg in Germany, Hong Kong); work closely with existing church institutions with seafarer ministries and other ngos for easy access of social services including on-site visits in their ship carriers; and,
  • Conduct an independent investigation of seafarers situation to be able to craft a genuine Magna Carta for Seafarers, in compliance with the newly ratified International Maritime Convention (2006).
  1. Stop all forms of illegal recruitment and human trafficking.
  • Create an independent body to track down and investigate trafficking syndicates and erring recruitment agencies and push for their speedy prosecution and the imposition of stiffer penalties;
  • Conduct extensive education information and dissemination on illegal recruitment and trafficking from the barangay-level and up, and;
  • Conduct an independent investigation of the involvement, directly or indirectly, of government officials, especially those from Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA), Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE), Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA), Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA), Bureau of Immigration (BI), Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA) and Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA);
  • Legislate tougher penalties against recruitment agencies with unlawful activities, including overcharging of fees and connivance with lending agencies.
  1. Repeal all anti-migrant laws and policies.
  • Propose a genuine and more comprehensive Magna Carta for migrant workers and their families that will include the repeal of the mandatory insurance and the three-month cap to monetary claims, “Section 37-A – Compulsory Insurance Coverage for Agency-Hired Workers of the Republic Act No. 8042, as amended, Republic Act No. 10022”;
  • Scrap the OWWA Omnibus Policies and ensure the reinstatement of the Legal Assistance Program, Medicare Program, General Financial Assistance Program and on-site services for migrant workers;
  • Scrap Executive Order 247 re-focusing the functions of Philippine Overseas Employment Administration in its paradigm shift from regulation to full-blast market development efforts and job markets for Filipino expatriate workers. Scrap the POEA Standard Contract for Seafarers and all other circulars and guidelines that impose additional burden to migrant workers.;
  • Review the Overseas Absentee Voting Act and the Partylist System Act and proposed amendments to address problem of massive disenfranchisement among overseas Filipinos;
  • Repeal all one-sided, unequal and unilateral trade and labor treaties and agreements that merely promote the export of cheap labor;
  • Facilitate bilateral agreements based on international standards and other instrumentalities;
  • Implement the UN Convention on the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families and the ILO Convention 189 on Domestic Workers;
  • Submit regular reports to the United Nations Committee on Migrant Workers and committees such as Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR), Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (CCPR) and International Labor Organization (ILO);
  • Review existing agreements or other diplomatic relations and foreign policies entered into by the Philippine government with the receiving governments;
  • Include the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), international conventions and norms, obligations of states under international law to respect the rights of migrants and labor in school curricula; and,
  • Facilitate the collection and critique of existing national policies of receiving governments vis-à-vis international conventions, norms and other related documents.
  1. Justice and indemnification to victims of human and labor rights violations.
  • Establish a special court for migrant workers;
  • Create support mechanisms that will ensure easy access to justice for OFWs here and abroad;
  • Provide additional labor arbiters, hearing officers and lawyers here and abroad;
  • Indemnify victims and their families, and assist in the filing of cases against abusive and erring officials with the Ombudsman, the Committee on Human Rights and other legal remedies; and,
  • Create a migrants’ desk at the National Labor Relations Commission (NLRC) and establish additional POEA adjudication offices in provinces.
  1. Accountability of the State and its erring officials.
  • Investigate the alleged misuse and diversion of OWWA funds, anomalous investments, electoral fraud and corruption;
  • Prosecute abusive DFA, POEA and OWWA officials;
  • Investigate and prosecute abusive and erring officials in the exercise of their duties, particularly those directly or indirectly involved in activities victimizing migrant workers;
  • Create a people’s monitoring system on the conduct of government officials as mandated by RA 8042.
  1. Representation in government and decision-making bodies.
  • Work closely with other sectors and lawmakers for the inclusion of the migrant’s agenda in the legislative agenda of Congress;
  • Establish cooperation with the legislators of the sending and receiving countries and representation in pushing for improved protection mechanisms on-site; and,
  • Strengthen consultancy/partnership with migrant organizations and other concerned sectors on issues and legislative agenda put forth in Congress.

Our Track Record
Led the global campaign to save the lives of Angelo dela Cruz (2004), Dondon Lanuza (2000-2013), Marilou Ranario (2007-2015), Mary Jane Veloso (2015), among others.
Led the global campaign and lobbying for overseas absentee voting resulting in the eventual passage of Republic Act 9189, or the Overseas Absentee Voting Act.
Led the global campaign and lobbying for dual citizenship of Filipinos overseas resulting in the eventual passage of Republic Act 9225, or the Citizenship Retention and Re-Acquisition Act of 2003.
Helped in the drafting of Republic Act 9208, or the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act.
Campaigned against OFW budget cuts and for greater state subisidy for OFW services and welfare, especially the Legal Assistance Fund (LAF) and Assistance to Nationals (ATN).
Led the global campaign against illegal tax and other fee impositions on OFWs, such as, the random inspection of balikbayan boxes, the documentary stamp tax (DST), Philhealth premium increases, P500 terminal fee, mandatory Pag-Ibig contributions for OFWs, e-Passport fee increases, and other exorbitant consular fees.
Actively campaigned and lobbied for the repatriation of thousands of OFWs from conflict-ridden Iraq (2004), Libya (2011), Syria (2012) and Saudi Arabia (2013).
Spearheaded and facilitated global relief, rescue and rehabilitation efforts from OFWs that assisted some 20,000 to 25,000 families devastated by typhoons Ondoy and Pablo, Habagat and Supertyphoon Yolanda, through Sagip Migrante.
Continues to lead the global campaign against the OWWA Omnibus Policies (OOP) that effectively made the $25 OWWA contributions mandatory per contract, revoked lifetime memberships of Filipino migrants and families and eroded OWWA’s major welfare programs.
Launched and participated in the global campaign against corruption on government, the fight to abolish the pork barrel system and the Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP).

Our Nominees for 2016 elections
First Nominee – Garry Martinez
artinez hailed from Taytay, Rizal, the ninth of a brood of 15. His father Gregorio, a peasant, tilled a 10-hectare land, owned by six families. His parents never obliged them to work in the fields but they still helped to make ends meet. They planted rice during rainy season and vegetables during dry season.
The death of his father opened his eyes to a harsh reality – that if his mother Conchita gets sick, they would have no money to pay for her medication, that they would be asked to leave the hospital premises as soon as they entered.
He left for South Korea on June 26, 1991. At the airport just before leaving for South Korea, however, he was handed a passport that showed his photo but with different details. His first name was spelled “Gary,” he had a different birthday and it indicated that he hailed from the province of Zamboanga.
He was hired as a worker in a textile factory in South Korea, where they worked for 16 hours a day. When they were tired, workers would be given a capsule and, in less than 30 minutes, it would dramatically spike their energy. Until now, he never knew the content of that capsule. In the early days of his stay there, he said, he was afraid to leave the premises of the factory as police might question him.
Martinez said he could not afford to be deported as the debt he incurred was already $3,000.
He stayed in the South Korea for 13 years. But overall, he worked only for about eight years in nine different factories. In between, he was a full time organizer of what was then the swelling mass movement of Filipino migrant workers in South Korea.
n 1995, Martinez led the Filipino community into a vigil for Flor Contemplacion, a Filipina domestic helper sentenced to die in Singapore. This, he said, was one of the cases that politicized him and pushed him to know more about the roots of labor migration.
He helped found the Kalipunan ng mga Samahan ng Migranteng Manggagawa sa Korea (Kasamma-Ko), an affiliate of the Migrante International, which he now chairs. Their collective struggle, he said, forced officials of the Philippine embassy to give them due services.
In 2004, he returned to the country to help Migrante Partylist campaign for the election. He was assigned to campaign in Southern Tagalog. At the height of the campaign, however, Martinez suffered a heart attack.
After that, he rested for a while in Ifugao province, in the hometown of his previous partner. But a few months later, he said it was impossible to resist not being part of the organizing work of Migrante International and so he returned to Manila. This time, he became the spokesperson of Migrante International.
During this period, he said, Migrante was in troubled waters. As they carried out a revamp, they also suffered financial problems. They could hardly provide allowances for the volunteers. In 2008, Martinez was elected chairperson of Migrante International
He is happily married to Vilma, his elementary classmate who he met again sometime in 2009 at a class reunion. In a voice message aired during Martinez’ birthday celebration, Vilma, who works as a domestic helper in London, said her husband is a truly sweet and caring person.

2nd Nominee – Connie Anduyan Bragas-Regalado
Connie is one of the most prominent faces of the migrants rights struggle in the Philippines and abroad, as well. Though petite, she speaks courageously during protest actions, press briefings and in various programs organized by Migrante International
Connie did not expect that she would able to enter college, given her family’s meager income. But an opportunity of a lifetime came and she grabbed it instantly.
When Connie was still in high school, a group of missionaries came to their place and gave a self-awareness forum. She was very active in their activities and was eventually offered a scholarship.
She went around Cebu looking for a good but an inexpensive university, adding that she did not want to study in an expensive school, in consideration for the missionaries who wanted to help her. Connie found the University of Southern Philippines – Cebu. “I wanted to take up medicine but my brain might not be able to take it,” Connie said. She choosed to study Social Aervices so as not to strain the finances of her sponsors.
It was 1971 and the Philippines was under former president Ferdinand Marcos. Activism was at its height in the University of Southern Philippines and its neighboring school Cebu Institute of Technology. She attended rallies and teach ins to better understand what was happening at that time. Connie became an activist.
Connie did not expect that she would able to enter college, given her family’s meager income. But an opportunity of a lifetime came and she grabbed it instantly.
When Connie was still in high school, a group of missionaries came to their place and gave a self-awareness forum. She was very active in their activities and was eventually offered a scholarship.
She went around Cebu looking for a good but an inexpensive university, adding that she did not want to study in an expensive school, in consideration for the missionaries who wanted to help her. Connie found the University of Southern Philippines – Cebu. “I wanted to take up medicine but my brain might not be able to take it,” Connie said. She choosed to study Social Aervices so as not to strain the finances of her sponsors.
It was 1971 and the Philippines was under former president Ferdinand Marcos. Activism was at its height in the University of Southern Philippines and its neighboring school Cebu Institute of Technology. She attended rallies and teach ins to better understand what was happening at that time. Connie became an activist.
Connie, during her first day off in Hongkong on March 7, 1991, went to the Church of All Nations, a protestant church. She joined Filipino Prayer and Care Group, a church fellowship program. This was where Connie later on had an opportunity to meet Jun Delles of the Mission for Filipino Migrant Workers – UNIFIL, who gave a paralegal training to their group.
Since then, she became very active in activities organized by Unifil, where she eventually became a member of their education committee.
As a member of Unifil, she learned more about what other Filipino women were going through. Their organization accommodated overseas Filipino workers who were either raped or accused of stealing from their employers. Those who were raped and impregnated were also taken cared of in their shelter.
Connie said that from 1998 to 2003, migrant rights organization also campaigned against the wage cut. From a mere 200 Filipinos who marched in 1998, over 12,000 joined their march in 2003. She added that they were also able to reach out to other nationalities who are also asking for the same demand.
Aside from Filipino organizations, Connie was also appointed as member of the Committee of the Promotion of Social Harmony in Hongkong from 2002-2004. She was also a member of the Asia Pacific Forum on Women Law and Development.
Connie said that as OFW groups lobbied in Geneva against discrimination, the Philippine government did not lift a finger, not even issue a statement to support their cause.
Through Migrante International, they organized a party-list group called Migrante Sectoral Party to further educate Filipinos on the situation of those working abroad, push for their rights and welfare and bring the issues of OFWs at the national level. Connie returned home as its first nominee.
Migrante Sectoral Party did not win a seat in their first try in 2004. But, Connie said, running for the party-list elections remain as a “positive experience” for migrant rights advocates. “We were able to expand our organization. The elections opened new opportunities to promote migrant rights advocacies in other fields.”
Today, Connie is still actively involved in programs of Migrante International. She regularly visits its national office in Cubao, Quezon City, especially when they have a project to do. She dreams of establishing a migrants’ rights office in Central Visayas, which, she thinks is strategic because the area has been a main source of OFWs working either as sea farers or domestic helpers.
Today,Connie, once again is in the political frontlines. She was named as the 2nd nominee of the Migrante Partylist for the 2016 elections.
source 

Third Nominee – Caridad Bachiller
Caridad Bachiller, was a former Physics and Mathematics teacher in a private school in Abra. Her low salary, which was only around P600 to P800 a month back then, pushed her to work as a domestic helper in Saudi Arabia for six years. When she returned to the country, she again applied for work abroad and landed a job, again, as a domestic helper in Hongkong, where she worked for 26 years.
On her days off, Bachiller would attend gatherings along with other Filipino workers in Hongkong. She said that it was in these gatherings that she learned of harrowing tales of other Filipino domestic helpers – the worst were those who died under mysterious circumstances but were reported to have committed suicide. These cases had opened her eyes and made her become a migrant rights advocate. She served as president of Abra Tinguian Ilocano Society (ATIS Abra) in Hongkong for 20 years.
Last year, Baciller returned to the Philippines to “retire.” But soon she realized “retirement” is not an option for migrant rights advocates. She waas named as Migrante PL 3rd Nominee in Migrante PL 2015 Convention in Manila
“There are policies being implemented that are not pro-people and even anti-migrants. It worsens our situation and it must be stopped,”

CANADA
  • Philippine Women Centre
  • Sulong, Itaguyod ang Karapatan ng Manggawang Pilipino sa Labas ng Bansa (SIKLAB)
  • Ugnayan ng Kabataang Pilipino sa Canada (UKPC)
  • Filipino Nurses Support Group (FNSG)
  • Centre for Philippine Concerns (CPC)
  • Filipino Workers Support Group (FWSG)
  • Montreal Coalition of Filipino Students
  • Kapisanan ng mga Manggagawang Pilipino sa Winnipeg
USA
  • Philippine Forum
  • Network in Solidarity     with the People of the Philippines (NISPOP)
  • Filipino Community Support (FOCUS)
  • Filipino Workers     Action Center-Seattle (FWAC)
HONGKONG
  • United Filipinos in Hongkong (UNIFIL-HK)
  • Asia Facific Mission for Migrants (APMM)
  • Mission for Filipino Migrant Workers (FWMW HK)
  • Bethune House Migrant Women’s Refuge
AUSTRALIA
  • Migrante-Australia
  • Ugnay Kabayan Inc.
MACAU
  • Macau Cordillerans Association
  • Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM-Macau)
EUROPE
  • MIGRANTE Europe (Netherlands, Amsterdam)
  • Phil. Development Forum (Amsterdam)
  • Ecumenical Ministry for Filipinos Abroad
JAPAN
  • Filipina Circle for Advancement & Progress (FICAP-Aichi)
  • Kalipunan ng mga Filipinong Nagkakaisa (KAFIN)
  • Harajuku International Friendship House
  • Sentro ng Migrante sa Saitama
  • Filipino Migrant Center (Japan)
  • Philippine Society in Japan (PSJ)
  • Filipino Migrants Union (FMU)
  • League of Filipino Seniors (LFS)
KOREA
  • Katipunan ng Samahang Migranteng Manggagawa sa Korea (KASAMMAKO)
  • Federation of Filipino Workers in Korea
  • New Era Foundation
  • Association of Filipino Workers in Kwangju
  • Pag-Iribang Bicolnon
  • Quezon Association in Korea
  • Southern Tagalog Organization
  • Filipino Workers Association
  • Sama-Sama sa Koalisyon
  • Women on the Move
SAUDI ARABIA
  • Kapatiran sa Gitnang Silangan (KGS)
  • Lakas ng Manggagawa sa Silangang Probinsya (LMSP)
  • Riyadh Overseas Filipino Workers’ Association (ROFWA)
  • Kalipunan ng Manggagawang Pilipino sa Industrial Area (KALMAPI)
  • Kapatiran ng mga Migranteng Stranded sa Riyadh (KAMI-SR)
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
  • Migrante-UAE
  • KAIBIGAN ng OFW
ISRAEL
  • Association of Igorot Migrant Workers in Israel (AIMWI)
ITALY
  • Ugnayan ng Manggagawang Migrante Tungo sa Pag-unlad (UMANGAT)
PHILIPPINES
  • Kalipunan ng Migranteng Pilipino at Pamilya (KMPP)
  • Kabataan ng Migranteng Pilipino para sa Bayan (KAMIYAN)
  • Worldwide Advocates for the Rights of the Migrants (WARM)
  • Filipino Seafarers Movement (FSM)
  • Solidarity and People’s Advocacy Network-Central Visayas (SPAN-CV)