Blog Archive

Friday, July 28, 2017

Fight for Immigrant Citizenship




By Luciano Seller

On Wednesday, July 26, immigrant associations gathered in the Senate to ask for a calendar of the bill on citizenship.
The proposed law on "temperate Ius soli" provides for the acquisition of citizenship for minors born in Italy and who have at least one parent with long-term residence permit and resident in Italy for a continuous and legal period of at least five years . "Ius culturae" refers to children born abroad by foreign parents but arrived in Italy before 12 years of age who have regularly attended school, within the national territory and for at least five years, one or more cycles in institutions belonging to the national system Three-year or four-year education or vocational education and training courses appropriate to the achievement of a professional qualification.


Citizenship may also be granted to a foreigner who has entered the national territory prior to reaching the age of majority but has been resident for at least six years and has regularly attended a school cycle with the acquisition of the title.
Italian Left Senator Loredana De Petris joined us promising her group's positive vote. A delegation with Rudy Colongo, a CUB immigration, went to the Senate to speak with PD Group leader Zanda, who pledged to submit to the Senate the bill in September.


We have participated as the Italo Filippino Friendship Committee.
Rudy Colongo has asked that the law for Ius Soli be supported not only by the left but also by the Catholic world. In fact, the Pope has so strongly supported the rights of immigrants. "We ask, said Rudy, the attention of the whole Catholic world.


We call for Catholic information, even for ius alone, the same political attention reserved for bioethics. The issue of Citizenship must be resumed and indeed enriched. In fact, we ask to set the constraints of the Temperate Ius Soli" and to recognize citizenship to all children born and raised in Italy. Regardless of the nationality of the parents. "





Wednesday, December 21, 2016

The wealthy ‘Democratic’ policy makers in EU and US are forgetting to answer the roots of the migration/refugee turmoil

Posted b Belarmino D. Saguing                                                                                                                                        Rome, Italy, December 21, 2016

(source: Migration Policy Institute “Top 10 of 2016 – Issue #1: Dawn of New Migration Reality Brings Focus on Borders, Returns, and Integration” by Demetrius Papadementriou and Susan Fratzkie. December 20 2016)


In Europe, for governments, integration was the focus of extraordinary policy activism and innovation in 2016. What they are clearly forgetting is the root causes of this massive phenomena, which is war and widespread poverty and hunger. The European powers must also exert more efforts in ending wars in the areas of origins of the immigrant. They have to recognize that the cause of the massive movement of the refugees are war fanned by the wealthy imperialist countries and their greed for the usurpation of the poorer countries’ vast supplies of oil, cheap natural resources and labor.


When the history of 2016 is written, it will be remembered as a year of continuing turmoil and policy experiments reflecting, among other things, seemingly irreconcilable tensions between competing policy priorities. The outcome of the U.S. presidential election may complicate matters even further. For destination and host countries worldwide, balancing the imperatives of protection, integration, and control will remain both a top priority and a constant challenge. Policymakers will need to recognize that the continued presence of drivers such as acute poverty and conflict means that the migration and refugee crisis will not be over soon. Going forward, there is only one option: to continue and scale up the investments and policy innovation across the migration continuum—in border enforcement, returns, and integration—that marked the more positive side of 2016. If not, 2017 will only bring more disorder and political pain.

In many countries, simultaneous investments in better protection and integration, on the one hand, and border and postentry controls and effective returns, on the other, have created a new policy palette that has unnerved advocacy groups and many social service providers—who fear that policies such as restrictions on family reunification or limitations on where refugees can live will make it more difficult for refugees to integrate. A much more widespread concern is that greater efforts at migration control in Europe, the United States, and elsewhere may encourage reduced generosity in countries of first asylum. In May 2016, the Kenyan government cited the fact that "in Europe, rich, prosperous, and democratic countries are turning away refugees" as one justification for its planned closure of Dadaab, the world’s largest refugee camp. And the flurry of EU readmission agreements with Afghanistan has been accompanied by a push by neighboring Pakistan and Iran to repatriate Afghan refugees within their borders, leading international agencies to warn of a looming humanitarian crisis. Nearly 1 million Afghan refugees were returned in 2016 by Pakistan and Iran.  Subsequent announcements by both Kenya and Pakistan that they had extended the deadlines for refugees’ departure following assurances of more aid or other concessions from international donors underline both the complexity and political calculus behind these decisions.


Saturday, November 5, 2016

Filipino Migration into Italy

Posted by Belarnmino Dabalos Saguing
Rome, Italy 05 November 2016

(Orignally posted by Belarmino Dabalos Saguing in Center for Migrant Studies and Researches, Rome, Italy 03 Dece4mber 2014)


Picnic in the Park, Palermo, Sicily (Photo by Fr. Rey Culaba)


          Italy is host to more than 4 million migrants of diverse nationalities. They comprise about 5 percent of the country’s total population.. Fifty percent of the migrants are Europeans, 20 percent are Africans, twenty percent are from Asiatic Countries, and  ten percent from the Americas, predominantly South and Central American.

          About sixty percent of the immigrant community are living in Northern Italy, twenty seven percent are in Central Regions, and about thirteen  percent in Southern Italy.

          The main worry among the immigrants is the problem of housing, employment and their integration  to the Italian society. Many migrants has to struggle to pay rents, and for the majority, buying a house is just out of reach. On the average, the income of migrant workers in Italy is half of the income of the average Italian worker. There is no job security for the immigrant population, and many of them do not have regular work. ( Data from CARITAS Report of  2010)

         Italy has been one of the countries in Europe that experienced a sustained growth in Filipino labor migration. The works at home previously carried out by Italians, men  and women alike, are not compensated by the public service.

          It should be well noted that the political conditions and rising economic growth in Italy, the labor segmentation, the demographic collapse, among other factors, has necessitated the services of  migrant workers including domestic services has increased the demands for Filipinas.

          However, Italy is distinguished from the others since it was more through the personal initiatives of the migrants themselves rather than the planning of the Philippine government that brought most of them to this country, to flee from poverty and lack of employment that would support decent life for workers in the Philippines.

Philippine-Italy studies indicate that most Filipinos travel with tourist visas and found works here afterwards. The advent of stricter immigration policies in 1986 made this mode of entry more difficult, forcing the migrants, Filipinos included, to find other means to enter the country, legally or otherwise, despite the insertion of more formal migration channels.


The Number of Filipinos in Italy

 In 2006, the Philippine Commission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO) estimated that there are 128,080 Filipinos residing in Italy: of which 23,108 are permanent residents, 84,972 are OFWs (temporary workers whose stay in foreign countries are limited by the duration of their contracts), and the remaining 20,000 are illegally working and living in Italy        

 The CFO estimates maybe a bit conservative since they are basing their count from the annual departures from Manila airport. Since the Philippine government normally has no direct control on the contracts signed by the workers in Italy, and their estimate on undocumented migrants is based mainly on the estimates of the Philippine Embassy in Rome. It should of course be noted that other estimates indicate higher numbers of Filipinos residing in Italy with some guess indicating that there are more than 200,000 Filipinos residing in Italy.

          The CARITAS di Roma 2013 reported that there are 165, 763 Filipinospresent in Italy of which 46, 773are in   surrounding Lazio province in Rome of which majority are concentrated in the city of Rome and it indicated  indicated that about sixty-one percent of them are women.

          Incongruent may be these figures, these studies and estimates confirm the fact that within Europe, Italy is host of the largest Filipino migrants community in Europe preceded only by Spain, Greece and Austria. Italy is among the top ten destinations of Filipino migrants preceded only by Saudi Arabia, Hong Kong, Japan, Taiwan and the United Arab Emirates. The largest concentration of the Filipino migrants in Italy could be found in Rome and Milan and its surroundings.


The Feminized Migration Flow to Italy               

          The researches of the Italian Institute for Statistics (ISTATS) concerning the regular temporary workers in Italy points out that women comprise about sixty-three percent of the migrants present  in Italy. Sixty to seventy percent of the Filipinos are employed in the service sector, with Filipino women in large majority. In cities like Rome and Milan female Filipinos account up to seventy percent of all Filipinos in these cities. It cannot be considered an exaggeration to say that Filipino outward migration to Italy and elsewhere has always been dominated by women.

          The great majority of Filipino female migrants work in the domestic service according to some specific studies, points out that ninety-five percent are employed in domestic field. Nursing and employment in the entertainment sector and employment in hotels are the other fields where Filipinas are represented in minor numbers. It is noteworthy that the economic recession in the Philippines in the mid-90’s led to the presence of male migrant labor in Italy, although women are still in great majority. It is also the Filipinas who made great efforts to reunite their families in Italy more than the other nationalities when the Italian migration policies made it easier for the migrants to petition the entrance of the members of their family into Italy in the mid-90’s. Also, three profiles of the Filipinas are distinguished: married women with children, single mothers and singles women.


Education and Income Levels 

          Although it is somewhat difficult to assess the exact figures regarding the different levels of education characterizing the Filipinos in Italy, anecdotal evidence indicates that the Filipino migrants are more than fairly educated compared to other migrants present in Italy, The majority of Filipino migrants are high school graduates, and most having at least some university education. Philippine sources have the same conclusion. Many of them are even university graduates and most are experienced skilled workers before leaving for overseas. It could, therefore, be concluded that it was the salary, living conditions or job opportunity factor that drove most of them to migrate.

          The Filipino migrants in Italy could now be classified as being part of the middle-class in the Philippines, despite their relatively low income in Italy. It should be important to note that the middle class in the Philippines has diminished drastically in the years of the Marcos regime. Vast numbers of the Filipino middle class has fled the country for political or economic reasons due to severe repressions during that period, and the majority of those who remained were either absorbed by the lower classes, and few, indeed very few, were graduated to the upper class.


Remittances 
         In 2004, the total remittance of Filipino migrants was 8.5 billion US Dollars. These figures does not even include remittances sent through informal channels which, should it be included, the total could reach a very much higher figure.

           Of the total USD 20.5 B sent by the OFWs scattered in the whole world in 2013, more than USD 46 M was from the OFWs in Italy, making them the fourth in the rank of remittance sender to the Philippines.

          The actual bulk of remittance sent by the OFWs into the country for that year was estimated between US$14 billion to US$21 billion (1/3 from USA, 1/3 from Middle East and 1/3 from other countries) based on the studies for the Asian Development Bank (Kevin Melynn, ADB Consultant, Worker Remittances as a Development Tool: Opportunity for the Philippines, ADB, 2003)

          The present restrictions on money transfers that is being enforced by the Italian authorities, may make it harder to estimate how much really are being sent from this country. Most of the undocumented Filipino migrants can not avail of the services of banks and money transfer firms and are forced to use informal venues to send their money to their families, and this, of course can not be included in the estimates on the total remittances.

François Bourguignon, World Bank Chief Economist, wrote: We have now a research program on migration issues surrounding remittances, high-skilled migration, temporary movement of persons, social protection and governance of migration, and the link between trade, foreign direct investment, and migration.” – Global Development Finance 2003 Annual Report. (Global Economic Prospects 2006: Economic Implications of Remittances and Migration.)

    In the midst of a crisis, they use this tool as a crushing vise in exploiting the country. The Philippines, like all the labor exporting countries, are dependent on the remittances being sent home by the migrants. In fact, about 10% of the nation’s Gross Domestic Product income are the remittances of the OFWs.



3. The impact of the Global Financial Crisis

THE PRESENT SITUATION IS THE CULMINATION OF DECADES OF NEOLIBERALISM, CORPORATE GLO-BALIZATION AND FINANCIALIZATION BETWEEN 1995 AND 2007 THAT REDUCED THE SHARE OF INCOME GOING TO WORKERS’ WAGES BUT INCREASED THE SHARE GOING TO THE FEW RICH CAPITALISTS AND CORPORATES IN THREE QUARTERS OF THE WORLD’S NATIONS.”     
 -  Prof William K. Tabb

            The words of this American Economist echoes the sentiments of world’s workers including the migrant workers who are shouldering the heavy burden of sufferings caused by globalization, and now, the same workers again has to be sacrificed by the people who created the sufferings by saving themselves and leaving them in a mire of hardships they have to endure.

            The problem has hit most the lower income bracket workers which includes the migrants. Thousands has been the victims of retrenchments or cutting shorts of working time and lowering of salaries. The migrants most affected in Italy are those working in factories, constructions, and hotel/restaurant and supermarket services, where hundreds were laid off or whose working times are abbreviated. But worst is the flight of those who do not have regular contracts since they cannot avail on unemployment compensations and has to tighten their belts. There are still no official record of Filipino migrants in Italy directly affected by the global crisis, but sixty to seventy percent of Filipino migrants in Italy are in the service sector most domestic workers.

            This phenomenon is universal. Like this crisis, it is global. It affects both rich and poor country, although the third world countries are hit harder because they are dependents of the neocolonist countries, they  do not have the means to remedy the situation.  
      
            Like the others, Filipino migrants has suffered the same fate. I do have the data on migrants of other nationalities, but the table shows how the loss of jobs, and also the stoppage of jobs long awaited by other workers that is by now held in abeyance by the employers in the countries of destination caused by the global crisis, is real and steps has to be done specially by the countries that are dependent on the remittances being sent home by us migrants. The Philippines is the world’s third largest recipient of remittances after India and Mexico, The remittances of Filipino migrants represent 10.5 percent of the country’s GDP, and about 20 percent of the country’s total earnings. The diminished numbers of remittance senders could also affect the national economy.

            In terms of human sufferings, almost all of the migrants, with a few exceptions are from the poorest sectors of the society of the country where they are from. The loss of jobs would mean hunger for many families. And since the majority are not covered by unemployment insurance, it would mean more than just being hungry. It would mean the education, housing and many others.


 Italy: the frontline of Fortress Europe   

Italy has seen a sustained inward migration in the past 20 years, given its geographical position in the center of the Mediterranean, with more 8,000 km. of coastline, the country is considered as the most accessable to Europe by the migrants of many countries of origin.

        The economic gaps between various regions of Italy also governs the way in which migrants has entered the labor market. In the north, more markedly in the industrialized northeastern regions with a low unemployment rates, immigrants are mainly employed in industrial activities and are occupied in more or less regular positions. In the central regions, notably in the city of Rome and its surrounding provincial regions populated by well to dos, the migrants are employed in the service sectors, mostly as domestic helpers, nannies and caregivers especially the female migrants, In the South, the majority of migrant workers are employed in seasonal jobs and in the clandestine underground economy particularly in agriculture and construction sectors.

          Aside from legal immigrants with regular documents and resident permits, there is a great number of illegal migrants present in Italy. There are no precise count available for the clandestines. The only estimate availble is from the Caritas, a Catholic Church agency which gives assistance to the poor including the clandestine migrants.

         Because of negative propagandas by some political parties particularly the extrem right Lega Nord and Forza Italia, criminality was tied with clandestine migrants, breeding hatred and distrust among the people. As a result, incidents of migrants being mauled by some extremist gangs, leading in some cases, to death of the victims has occurred. Due to discriminations, migrants find it very hard to find work and  accomodations.  They are also deprived of social rughts and services.


Immigration Laws
          The earliest attempt at regularizing and integration of  migrants was conceived  in latter parts of 1988 and finally was approved by the Italian Parliament in the beginning of 1990 as Law 39/90 otherwise known as the Martelli Law. This law aims to make plans on migratory inflow to the country with the collaboration of the immigrant’s country of origin. This law was later further amended by the Amato-Ferrero Law.

          In 1998, the center-left coalition government passed the Law 40/98 also called the Turco-Napolitano Law which was an attempt to regularize the position of non EU immigrants and improve their integration into Italian society. This law imposed an intricate procedures for the deportation of illegal immigrants, who, once accosted by the authority and tried by a magistrate and could be deported in the event that he is judged by the court as illegal immigrant. The immigrant is given 2 weeks to appeal his case. In most cases, this period is utilized by the migrants to go underground.

The Bossi-Fini Law
         The xenophobic leader of Lega Nord Umberto, Bossi and the extreme right Forza Italia of Silvio Berlusconi criticized the Law 40/98 as too soft. The Center-Left coalition used, what in their opinion, the shortcomings of the law, and the black propaganda against illegal immigration, as campaign issue and won the May 2001 general election. From the onset of their coming to power, the Center-Right government has made the immigration issue a priority and after a bitter debate in the Parliament, passed the Law 189/2002 that regulates immigration in a more strict term and issued a decree to regularize immigrants already present in the country.

           This law 189/02 also known as Bossi-Fini Law named after the politicians who proposed it, took effect on July, 2002, amended the 1998 Imigration Law and introduced new stringent clauses. The most significant aspects of the law are the following:

·         Before November 30 of each year, the Prime Minister will lay down the number of non-EU workers to be admitted into Italy for the following year (the so called Flussi Decree).

·         There shall be no limitations for the entry in Italy for highly skilled workers (university lecturers and professors, professional nurses, etc.).

·         Other workers of non-EU origin will be allowed to enter Italy only after obtaining a “residence contratct”, signed both by the employer and the worker (contratto di soggiorno).1

·         An immigration office will be set up in every province of Italy to oversee the rectruitment all migrant workers.2

·         Residence permits for reason of employment with a maximum validity period of  2 years shall be issued to migrant workers.

·         Clandestines and  irregular workers shall be accompanied by the authorities to the border and deported. Deportations are immediate and cannot be suspended even through an appeal through the courts.

·         After 6 years of regular residence in Italy, non-EU citizens with stable jobs and the necessaty economic requisites to support themselve and their family may apply for a permanent residence permit.

·         Minors of non-EU origin in Italy shall be issued a residence permit when they reach adult age (18 years), provided that they have already lived in Italy for at least 3 years, and have attended a social and civil integration programme provided by a public or a private organization. This organization must guarantee that they have adequate accommodations, study school or go to work. The  number of resident permits issued on this condition shall be deducted from the pre-defined number of total annual permits.

Regularization
          A decree on regularization was issued on 6 September, 2002 provides the regularization of of two types of irregular immigrant worker: The undocumented or clandestine migrants who had  not been regularized since ttheir entry into the trretory and the irregular immigrants with expired residence permits. The categories  include Domestic workers and home helpers, ie:caregivers and nannies; and other dependent workers engaged in other suburdinate employment.

         The requirements fot the regularizations are as follows:

The worker must have been employed by a company or individual employer for at least 3 months.

The empl;oyer must agree to engage the worker on an open-ended or on a fixed term contract the worker must receive a minimum monthly salary of € 700

within 10 days from the submission of the application for the regularization, both the worker and employer shall be convoked by the prefecture or the police to formalize the working contract.

   and to other EU Member States. For instance, there is anecdotal evidence indicating that a number of Filipino domestic helpers brought along by their Arab employers for a vacation in Europe succumb to the temptation of abandoning their employment in favour of irregular stay in Italy or Europe with the help of other Filipinos.

The CFO does not have any available information on human trafficking or smuggling activity involving Italy. Meanwhile, there are some reported cases of Filipinos being recruited for fictitious work in EU countries including Italy, with the aid of illegal recruiters – Filipino and Chinese – using fake passports and visas.

A 2006 advisory from the POEA reported that some Filipinos in Hong Kong were lured into paying HKD 25,000 to HKD 40,000 (or USD 3,214.83 to USD 5,143.73) for their plane tickets and for processing tourist visas for Italy (POEA, 2006a).

Migrant workers who are in Italy without the proper work documentation are ineligible for basic social services and often find themselves in vulnerable and exploitative work conditions. They cannot access formal financial, banking or remittance services because of the inability to present formal work documents, or for fear of disclosing their undocumented status. This sector has no choice but to send money home through informal channels and, as the survey showed, keep their earnings at their residences or carry money personally wherever they go. It is expected that these irregular workers will persevere in such status in the hope of obtaining amnesty in the future.

A significant number of undocumented Filipinos in Italy have availed of the amnesty and regularization program offered by the Italian Government. The last amnesty was in 2002,when 646,829 foreigners were granted permits – including 9,820 Filipinos. Among regularized migrants who are in domestic work, Filipinos (89% of regularized undocumented domestic workers) are the biggest ethnic group (Carfagna et al., 2008). From June to September 2009, the Italian government accepted amnesty applications from irregular foreign workers (Buenafe, 2009).

Integration and occupational mobility of Filipinos. There are programs and procedures available to foreigners who wish to upgrade their credentials to qualify themselves for higher occupations. Among these are advanced professional training programs administered by the regions.7 Legal recognition of academic qualifications through an application with the appropriate university or educational institutions, which must issue decisions within prescribed periods, or recognition of professional titles such as nurses, doctors, teachers, lawyers, accountants, biologists, consultants, and various other expertise may be obtained through applications filed with the different ministries. The basic requirements are a high level of knowledge of the Italian language, and a valid permit to stay, aside from educational credentials and other requirements. Scholarships and grants are also available to those wishing to pursue higher studies.8 Some of the key informants suggested that Filipinos are not benefiting from such programmes, as a good number of Filipinos are juggling multiple jobs to augment their incomes to support the family’s immediate needs or pay for various financial obligations, leaving no time for upgrading their skills.

Filipino migrants often do not have time for self-improvement because of their multiple work engagements. In the words of Cristina Liamzon, a Filipino advocate for socio-economic empowerment, Filipino migrant workers “lack the confidence or mindset for self-improvement, in availing of language and training programmes, or even educational grants, particularly those offered by city or provincial authorities.” 9 This stresses the need for more initiatives in capability building and raising awareness of opportunities for the Filipino community. As many of these workers are focused on increasing their incomes through hired work, and few are self-employed, the Filipinos as a group miss out on the numerous entrepreneurship programmes promoted by the Italian government. 

Whether due to the pressure to provide for the family’s needs or to cultural inhibition, a good number of Filipino workers prefer earning a stable income by taking more than one domestic or caregiving job. Doing so enables them to send more remittances and/or increase their savings. This is preferable to upgrading their skills or handling a business that does not offer prospects of financial gains in the short term. As the survey for this research reveals, many depend on a stable high income to pay for investments, house amortizations, insurance premiums and loans in the Philippines.

Those who advocate that in the long term, it would be beneficial for migrant workers to take advantage of such training courses (which reportedly are in abundance) may perhaps highlight stories of migrants who successfully made the leap from domestic to professional or self-employed status.It is also possible that there could be cultural barriers involved, since such training courses are reportedly provided by Italian agencies in Italian language. It may therefore be worth studying by the Philippine NGOs in Italy that they initiate the conduct of such training courses in the embassy or Filipino church grounds. A vehicle to do this might be the Filipino Workers Resource Center (FWRC), whose successful FWRC skills training in Kuala Lumpur can be replicated in Rome and/or Milan, where there are none at present.

Filipino youths in Italy. The family reunification policies of Italy have provided for Italy-based Filipinos a remedial solution of sorts to address issues relating to the prolonged absence of their loved ones, as well as expanding their household’s income base. The outcome of the family reunification, however, appeared to be a little rather more complex. For one, there are concerns that Filipino youths in Italy face immense challenges, including cultural adjustment and acculturation. Some are seen engaged in socially destructive behaviour such as juvenile delinquency and drug abuse, particularly among Filipino youths whose move to Italy was decided by their parents. Given this opportunity to join their parents, there are also documented cases of children not finishing their schooling in the Philippines to join their parents in Italy and become domestic workers (Añonuevo & and Añonuevo, 2002).        The Italy–Philippines Migration and Remittance Corridor
The Italy–Philippines Migration and Remittance Corridor
In another survey of 99 Filipino youths and 101 parents and NGO workers in Rome (Liamzon, 2007), it was found that:

Ø  Filipino youths in school face serious social and academic problems, given their lack of Italian language skills that hinders them from making friends; and
Ø  Filipino parents admit to difficulty in dealing with the struggles their children face in integrating into Italian society, especially in circumstances where many parents have the desire to work extra hours to augment the family income.  Children (especially those aged below 18 years old) complain of lack of family time, and of the decision of their parents to have them come to Italy.

While documentation on the Filipino minor population is not available, the issues that face the youth are worthy of consideration, as many of them appear to have been forced to move to Italy in order to contribute to the family income. Their inclusion in programs on the productive use of remittances might be considered as early as possible, although psychosocial counselling appears also to be a paramount need. In the long term, the real cause for concern regarding migrant Filipino minors is the emergence of a generation of OFs in Italy that pose new challenges to:

o   both the sending and receiving governments in terms of the demand for the smooth integration of the young migrants transplanted in a new country;
o   OFs who have to cope with their socially and culturally challenged youth; • the Philippine government that must prepare for the future reintegration of Italy-based
Ø  Filipinos that may want to return to the Philippines upon retirement or old age.
Ø  The global economic crisis and Filipinos in Italy. Many expected the global economic crisis that began in 2008 to affect migrants in various ways. The impacts, as mentioned by IOM (2009), include:

•        restrictions on new admissions of migrant workers and non-renewal of work permits; 
•       job losses, wage reductions, ineligibility of newly arrived migrants for social benefits;
•       racism and xenophobia; 
•       return migration of displaced migrant workers;
•       diminished remittance volumes for countries; 
•       Increased irregular migration; and 
•       specific gender issues, e.g. which gender was more affected by job attrition.
  
The admission of new migrant workers was heavily restricted in Italy. For the first time, in 2009, no quotas were provided for new workers except for 80,000 slots for non-EU seasonal workers. A report by the OECD (2009) states that Italy may see its employers abandoning applications for immigrant  workers. Last year, about 10,000 employers withdrew requests for immigrant workers. However, it seems that demand for domestic workers remains significant in Italy and elsewhere despite the downturn. Most (at least two thirds) of the 2008 quota for foreign workers – and the entire quota for entries in 2009 – are reserved for domestic and personal care workers (OECD, 2009). Although the trends do not portend a doom scenario for Filipino workers in Italy (including domestic workers), the Filipinos’ economic survival and better management of resources remain urgent needs. 

###

Saturday, September 17, 2016

AN INVITATION TO JOIN THE POPULAR MOVE TO SUPPORT THE ON-GOING PEACE NEGOTIATION BETWEEN GRP AND THE NDFP

AN INVITATION TO JOIN THE POPULAR MOVE TO SUPPORT THE ON-GOING PEACE NEGOTIATION BETWEEN GRP AND THE NDFP

Posted by Belarmino Dabalos Saguing
Rome, Italy 17 September 2016 




We are addressing this invitation to all our compatriots OFWs and all Filipinos living and working in foreign countries and to the people of our host countries, that they may understand how important to our common benefits the success of the peace negotiations.
First and foremost, we would want to let it be known why there are armed strifes in the Philippines, its root causes, how it affects every one of us and its impact to the world’s community of nations.
Thirty-three years ago the late Jose W. Diokno*, eminent senator, human rights defender and quintessential nationalist, identified four “basic problems” of Philippine society, thus:
1. Widespread deep poverty among our people and inequality in wealth, privilege, and power;
2.  Although supposedly independent, we are not really sovereign. With their military bases, the US government and military were allowed to participate in “internal security activities” and to intervene in our internal affairs.  The World Bank-IMF tandem — not the people’s elected representatives — made economic policy, to the detriment of the Filipino people.
3. “We (were) a state, but not yet a nation,” because divisions persisted among language or ethnic groups; and
4. Lack of real freedom, especially for the poor. The formal freedoms “written on the books,” which had been set aside under martial law, weren’t yet restored.
And what caused these basic problems? Not martial law, Diokno emphasized.* “The cause… has always been imperialism – first Spanish imperialism (colonialism), and then, US imperialism.”
 “Martial law was simply the product of imperialism,” he explained. On his own Marcos could not have declared martial law, he said, “unless he had had — and he did have — the support of the US government.”
Thus, Diokno concluded: “The ultimate fight is to regain our sovereignty.”  To solve these basic problems, he urged the Filipino people to organize and mobilize themselves on the basis of common interests and common aspirations. “That is the only practical remedy,” he stressed, assuring that once that is done “we can break US domination.”
That proposal was contained in the NDFP comprehensive peace agenda given to the government panel in December 1986. (By that time Diokno was too ill to carry on with his tasks; Ramon V. Mitra thus took over as government chief negotiator, succeeded by Teofisto Guingona Jr.)  After negotiations were cut short by the Mendiola massacre of peasants rallying for agrarian reform in January 1987, the NDFP raised the proposal three more times in a bid to restart the negotiations with the Cory government.
That proposal was contained in the NDFP comprehensive peace agenda given to the government panel in December 1986. (By that time Diokno was too ill to carry on with his tasks; Ramon V. Mitra thus took over as government chief negotiator, succeeded by Teofisto Guingona Jr.)  After negotiations were cut short by the Mendiola massacre of peasants rallying for agrarian reform in January 1987, the NDFP raised the proposal three more times in a bid to restart the negotiations with the Cory government.
We commend the Negotiating Panels of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) for holding a successful round of formal peace talks in Oslo, Norway last 22 to 26 August 2016, after an impasse since 2011. We also express our appreciation to the Royal Norwegian Government for so ably and graciously serving as Third-party Facilitator.  If the resulting six agreements are an indication of more successful rounds of principled negotiations in the coming months to address the roots of the armed conflict in our country, the promise of a just and lasting peace may be achievable in our lifetime  **

Peace is more than just the absence of armed strife. It also mean the freedom to pursue progressive steps to improve the well being of the nation. Peace in our country will bring progress as it removes the stumbling blocks that hinders the implementation of measures that will be concentrated on the well-being of the people that heretofore was being funneled to destruction of livelihood detrimental to the welfare and security of the citizens. 

** http://nccphilippines.org/2016/09/celebrating-peace-constituency-deepening-advocacy-grp-ndpf-peace-talks/ 
###

Monday, June 20, 2016

Rome Filipino migrants vs. Land grabbing in Brgy. Malinis, Lemery Batangas

Posted by Belarmino Dablos Saguing
Rome, Italy 20.o6.2016

Press release

A protest rally was staged by Malinisan Filipino Community of Rome against the alleged illegal landgrabbing in their hometown Bgy. Malinis, Lemery, Batangas.

About 100 persons mostly, are relatives of families affected by the alleged landgrabbing, participated in the said initiative. They read an statement expressing their ire against Philippine Investment Development Corporation which has began to erect fences keeping out the peasants from the land they have been tilling for many decades with the complicity of local Police without court order or proofs that they indeed own the land they are claiming as their property. In accordance with the PD 27 of the Comprrehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP), the disputed land must be distributed to the tenants that tilled the land to implement the payment of the necessary Amortization.
  
The Malinisan Filipino Community of Rome is calling for solidarity from Filipino organizations.


The manifesto of Malinis Filipino  Community of Rome read during the mobilization :

PANGANGAMKAM NG LUPA SA BARANGAY MALINIS, LEMERY, BATANGASV ITIGIL NA!
Mariing kinokondena ng Samahan ng Brgy.  Malinisan Filipino commuinty Rome, Italy ang ginawang iligal na pagbabakod ng Phil. Regional Investment Development Corp. at grupo nina Renwick Razon sa lupain na nasasakupan ng aming Barangay.
Walang moral at legal na batayan ang kanilang ginawang pagbabakod  dahil wala silang pinakitang anumang katibayan na kanila ang nasabing lupain at court order para gawin ang nasabing pagbabakod.
Batay sa batas ang nasabing lupain ay saklaw ng  PD 27 ng Comprehensive Agrarian Reporm Program o Carp na nagsasaad na ang nasabing lupa ay nararapat ipamahagi sa mga magsasaka na naglinang nito at natugunan ang pagbabayad ng kaukulang Amortization.
Malinaw na isa itong tipo ng pangangamkam sa aming lupain na minana at matagal ng sinasaka ng aming mga ninuno.
Hindi kami papayag na yurakan at alisan kami ng karapatan sa nasabing Lupain para lamang sa interes ng ilang ganid na negosyante na tanging hinahangad lamang ang kanilang pansariling interes.
Mahigpit naming pinapaabot sa aming mga kabarangay ang aming mahigpit na pagsuporta sa kanila sa kanilang pakikipaglaban para hadlangan ang ginagawang pangangamkam na ito sa aming lupain.
Gayundin nanawagan kami ng suporta sa iba pang karatig barangay sa Bayan ng Lemery at iba pang mga kapwa OFWs dito sa Italya at iba pang kapwa taga Brgy. Malinis na nagtratrabaho sa ibang bansa, upang magsama-sama tayo na manawagan sa pagpapatigil ng iligal na pangangamkam na ito sa ating Lupain.
Iligal na Bakod sa aming Barangay Tanggalin na!
Phil. Regional Investment Development Corp. Ganid!
Tutulan Labanan iligal na pangangamkam sa ng Lupa sa Barangay Malinis!
Mamamayan ng Barangay Malinis Magkaisa, Karapatan sa Lupa Ipaglaban!

Nagkakaisang komunidad ng Malinisan sa Roma, Italya.

 
A photoshot of the manifestion at Piazza Capena, Rome on June 19 , 2016 (photo credit: Alex Reyes)



UMANGAT-MIGRANTE with ICHRP Rome and MPL’s Tanggol Migrante answered the call for solidarity from Malinisan Filipino Community of Rome. The Migrant organizations/groups closely supported the protest where they explained the need to include their protest and issue in the Migrants Summit to help them widen their fight 

Together, let us join our brothers and sisters of Malinisan Filipino Community of Rome in their just protest and help them stop the landgrabbing of greedy coirporation in their land.

Philippine Regional Investment Development Corporation, GREEDY!
CONDEMN AND FIGHT LANDGRABBING IN BARANGAY MALINIS!
NO TO LAND GRABBING!
FIGHT FOR GENUINE LAND REFORM!


Contact info
Belarmino D. Saguing
Email - bdsaguing@gmail.com
Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/bdsaguing
Twitter - @bdsaguing
mobile - +39 3356880613

Friday, March 25, 2016

Poem - Kaibigan (Harapin natin ang mga alon sa ating buhay)

Posted by Belarmino Dabalos Saguing                                                                                               Rome, Italy 25 March 2016


Kaibigan
 (Harapin natin ang mga alon sa ating buhay)
Ni: Demetrio-Bong Ragudo Rafanan 16 Marzo 2016 Roma , Italya


Photo furnished by Demetrio Ragudo Rafanan


 I

 Kaibigan, tingnan mo ang kalangitan,
nangingingitim ang mga ulap,
nagbabadya nang pag-ulan.
Lumalakas ang ihip nang hangin
at ang mga alon ay lumalaki na rin.
 Humanda tayo at ating haharapin.



II


 Paghampas ng alon sa ating mga katawan,
kung sakaling ikaw ay matumba at lakas ay mawalan.
 Kamay mo ay aking aabutin, ang hilain ka at itayo ay pipilitin.
 Sa abot nang mamakakaya ikaw ay aking sasagipin.




Tutulungan kita sa pagbangon.
 Kapag ikaw ay naitumba ng malaking alon.
 Kaibigan, sa atin ay ito ang hamon; “
 mananatiling magkasama
na may pagpapahalaga sa isa't isa
.Samahan natin ay lalo pang lalakas
sa bawat paghampas ng alon.”



III


Kung ako naman ang magsimulang manghina
at sa paglangoy hindi na rin makakaya,
asahan kong sa aking tabi ikaw ay makikita.
Hihigpitan ang hawak sa aking kamay at hindi magpapabaya.
Sa harap ng mga alon nang buhay ikaw ay makakasama.


Titigil din itong malakas na bagyo at pag-ulan.
Tatahimik rin ang ingay nitong malawak na karagatan.
 Ihip ng hangin ay magiging malamyos
na sa ating puso ay malamig na hahaplos.
Tunog ng mga alon ay magiging parang musika
 na walang kasing ganda at sa atin ay magpapasaya.




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